Page:The Economic Journal Volume 1.djvu/615

 REVLWS 59 about, Mr. Morris tells us in a long chapter (xvii.) that it was by a civil war and a class war; a war between the middle and upper classes wielding the authority and power of the state and the working classes; in which the latter were victors. As to this I would merely remark, first, that in England at least, where the working classes are very sane on all practical questions, it is unlikely that there ever will be a civil war on account of Labour and Capital disputes;secondly, that if anything. resembling civil war did break out for such a cause it would not be one between the 'gentlemen and the workmen,' but one in which in all likelihood a large section of the workmen the skilled and superior ones together with the farmers and small landed proprietors (now being greatly increased), as well as the soldiers, militia, police, and many others would be on the side of the 'masters,' backed more- over as they would be by infinite wealth; and it is not at all so certain that the issue even of a struggle in the field would be according to Mr. Morris' prophecy. But even if it were otherwise, if all the working classes went solid for civil war and social revolution, and even if they were victorious they would still be a long way from Mr. Morris's millennium. Certain it is they would not settle down soon under communism and the reign of equality; because communism and equality though it might suit angels, the inmates of the monastery, and some superior or exceptional people, is not suitable to the generality, to the genus /o,w in the total: it is contrary to our imperfect human nature, which it takes from 500 to 1000 years to materially mend, and even then there is great danger of relapse. We should not be at all ready or spiritually prepared for the change by A.D. 1952. Secondly, we feel equally certain that the successful revolutionists could not abolish the State and all authority. It might be difficult during the war to know what was the State; it might be nominally abolished after the war, but after a period of chaos the state would re-emerge. The State has a habit of reviving after civil confusion, and it not so easy to slay it, as the individuals who for the time being might wield its force and authority; which latter must always exist if there is not to be chaos and the war of all with all, singly or in groups. We are afraid (especially when people have become accustomed to fighting) that the latter would be the case to the indefinite post- ponement of the promised land of peace and plenty, and that the civil broil would go on until one body with a superior leader subdued the rest, restored government, and with it the State. Add to this that England is a mighty Empire; the parts of which would become the spoil and conquest of rival states unless they simultaneously enbarked on the anarchic adventure and tried to pulverize the State. We are certain too that if all these objections could be got over with factories and the large system of production abolished; railways gone; the foreign narket and commerce given up (as proposed); no one working very long; and few new inventions made any more than peace in the ideal Arcadia. No. 3. VOL. ! there would not be plenty The women would not all be