Page:The Economic Journal Volume 1.djvu/604

 2 THE ECONOMIC JOIRN,L France, or the picture of American politics drawn by so able and eloquent an apologist as Mr. Bryce, or such data as are obtainable respecting colonial politics, will find that democratic majorities and democratic statesmen are as ' fallible as careless, and as easily corrupted as any of the ancient ruling powers. Indeed it is upon the experience of men and affairs,' not upon speculations about the nature of society, that the really strong arguments against giving governments too much power are to be based. It is a whole- some consciousness of human frailty which bids us not put much more trust in majorities of the House of Commons than in kings and nobles. It was a wise instinct which led nations like the Romans and the English, sagacious in practice, although perfunctory in theory, to confine the action of the State within limits which might not have contented the philosophers of Greece or Germany. These modern schemes for securing universal well-being by the action of the State are liable to the same flaw which proved fatal to the mediaeval scheme for securing universal salvation by the action of the Church. Only one thing was wanting to the mediaeval Church, and only one thing is wanting to Mr. Ritchie's democratic ideal: a breed of rulers perfect in wisdom and holiness. Whenever such a breed appears in this world, all the schools may burn their books of political philosophy. In the meantime it is little better than a mockery to say that ' the most important and valuable right of a minority is the right to turn itself into a majority if it can' (p. 73). Could argument or entreaty have protected the weak against the strong, when nisled by apparent interest or social prejudice or mere wanton insolence, there never would have been any oppression at all. For we may be quite sure that even in the darkest ages those who were ill-used, could have given'very neat and forcible arguments why such ill-usage was foolish and wrong. Nor do we quite agree with the inferences drawn by Mr. Ritchie from the political experience of Greece, interesting and valuable as that experience must ever be to civilised man. The Greek State was so much more like a public school or a regiment than a great nation, it was so small, so much under the influence of unquestioned usage and tradition, it was composed of individuals so boyish, although so highly gifted, it was compelled to make such constant efforts for a bare survival, that it necessarily became far more homogeneous than any great civilized State can be at the present day. There, if anywhere, the Government might have been fully trusted. Yet the Greek State was torn by constant feuds bred by the alternate injustice of the few and the many; and when the Greek citizen awoke to an inner life the Greek city died of exhaustion. The Greek State which or nost of us conceals all others, the Athens of Pericles, so often quoted to show what blessings the action of the State confers upon individuals, might also be quoted to show the greatness of the benefits derived from even comparative freedom for individual energy.