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than capital undoubtedly leads us to regard as the natural state no tax can fall upon the labourer. Can we not say that, although Ricardo concedes the bare possibility of a rise in the standard of living, the possibility is, in his mind, not suffiently strong to influence the course of his subsequent argument; and that, although he recognises that the standard may be already higher in one country than another, he implies that in all it is but little above absolute necessaries, and that this little consists of comforts which in no rhetorical sense have become necessaries? This is the impression he gives not only to Socialists, but also to men like J. S. Mill and Cairnes. And if it be objected that Mill and Cairnes were misled by traditional misrepresentations, we can turn as before to Ricardo's immediate disciples, and notice how they understood him. I have already quoted the opinion of James Mill. In Mrs. Marcet's Conversations on Political Economy we have an exposition more detailed than usual of what was understood under 'necessaries' by intelligent popularisers of Ricardo's teaching:—

Even with the very lowest standard of living in a country like England something more than food is necessary—shelter and clothing; and an increase in the cost of either shelter or clothing would, therefore, according to Ricardo's theory, send up the rate of wages, just as much as an increase in the cost of food. But