Page:The Czechoslovak Review, vol3, 1919.djvu/442



The president of the National Assembly in agreement with the government invited me to address you today. I speak reluctantly, because time was lacking to elaborate my speech properly, and yet I speak gladly, because I look upon this as a good opportunity to say a word about some of the burning questions of the day.

This day ends the series of the memorable days of our revolution and our political victory; it was declared a national holiday and it is thus very appropriate for serious counsels about recent past and near future.

Our revolution had a peculiar character. Abroad it consisted in thoughtful and industrious propaganda and diplomacy; beside that we organized an army and joined the other Allies who recognized us as a belligerent government. At home our people worked without bloodshed, although Hapsburg Austria hanged and shot our men brutally and used all means to suppress them.

It is surely a peculiar revolution—a revolution of work, and thus democratic in the best sense of the word. This revolution secured to us a victory, a great victory. It has been often said that states maintain themselves by the same means by which they came into being. Our republic arose out of battle and work, and by work it will maintain itself; the battle, let us hope, will not be necessary. We have got over this first year peacefully on the whole; physiologists say that the first year of humam life is decisive for the life of the individual. Perhaps we may employ this analogy for our state. But of course it is our task not merely to keep our republic alive, but to build it up completely through well-reasoned policies.

The heritage of Austria-Hungary and the difficult post-war situation of Europe and Eastern Europe particularly make our task very difficult.

Historians and politicians have discussed at great length the relation of foreign and domestic politics. Theories have ben expressed that for eign politics is of more importance, others have emphasized the part of internal politics. Undoubtedly it happens that sometimes foreign events and relations are decisive, at other times domestic; on the whole I want to emphasize the harmony of both. We must get accustomed in all our public activity to remember what impression we are making abroad. Any observer can see, how for instance our commerce is dependent on foreign politics. That applies to our finances and our entire industry, to our agriculture and our social reforms; in short all our political work is closely connected with foreign politics. That really is self-evident, but the world is such that we must emphasize even things that are self-evident.

In our case there is special reason for this emphasis. The Austro-Hungarian imperialistic regime did not grant to us Czechs and Slovaks any decisive part in government and in foreign politics; hence comes the fact that there is seen among us a certain fear of responsibility and that we are inclined to forget, what impression our acts make beyond our frontiers. Vienna did not teach our people to take decisive action and to keep an eye on the world outside. But now we have our own state and that postulates a sense of responsibility and a world view; we need state consciousness. Many German historians and politicians claim that Slavs, including Czechs and Slovaks, lack this state consciousness, that it is the peculiar property of the Germans. Let us admit that the absolutism of Vienna and Budapest compelled us to oppose the state constantly, that we have thus accustomed ourselves to the negation of state. Now this negative attitude must be replaced by a positive sense for the state.

If I desire to see this state consciousness strengthened, I do not thereby advocate an all-powerful and absolutist state. Our republic does not merely require of us all this general state consciousness, but we need a new set of officials, a new bureaucracy, if you like. New in the sense of industrious, conscientious, honorable and honest, and at the same time thinking and thoughtful. New conditions, the formation of a new state demand not merely from the highest authorities of the state and the parliament, but from every official new procedure. Laws and regulations do not suffice, every official must to some extent apply laws. Our administration must not remain Austrian in its essence. In short, both in internal and foreign questions we must take a higher stand, we must have courage to be bigger, to have world outlook.

If we are to build up our state successfully, we must all fight hard against the demoralization, caused by war and the disruption of Austria-Hungary. In all the states we hear complaints about this demoralization. But it seems to me that with us the complaints are one-sided, in that they refer to big transgressions and overlook small transgressions. I notice that often men who charge others with big crimes have themselves no regard for order and right in smaller matters. People call for a strong hand, for a dictator, for severe measures, but I want to tell you that every individual and every organization must help with the reform. We have thousands of societies, numerous organizations, Sokols, municipal bodies, our own parliament and press. Let every one in his sphere do his share toward moral well-being.