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Rh by competition the universal adoption of their system of they force all nations to accept what is called civilisation  become Bourgeois—and thus the middle-class shapes the world  its own image.”

Moreover, the whole method of distribution under this system is of waste; for its employs whole armies of clerks, travellers, shop-, advertisers, and what not, merely for the sake of shifting money then one person's pocket to another's; and this waste in production  waste in distribution, added to the maintenance of the useless lives of the possessing and non-producing class, must all be paid for out of the products of the workers, and is a ceaseless burden on their lives.

Therefore the necessary results of this so-called civilisation are only obvious in the lives of its slaves, the working-class—in the anxiety and want of leisure amidst which they toil, in the squalor and  in those parts of our great towns where they dwell; in the degradation of their bodies, their wretched health, and the shortness of their lives; in the terrible brutality so common among them and which is indeed but the reflection of the cynical selfishness found among the well-to-do classes, a brutality as hideous as the other; and lastly, in the crowd of criminals who are as much manufacturers of our commercial system as the cheap and nasty wares which are made at  for the consumption and the enslavement of the poor.

What remedy, then, do we propose for this failure of our civilisation, which is now admitted by almost all thoughtful people?

We have already shown that the workers, although they produce all the wealth of society, have no control over its production or distribution: the people, who are the only really organic part of society, are treated as a mere appendage to capital—as a part of its machinery. This must be altered from the foundation: the land, the capital, the machinery, factories, workshops, stores, means of transit, mines, banking, all means of production and distribution of wealth, most be declared and treated as the common property of all. will then receive the full value of his labour, without for the profit of a master, and as all will have to work, and the  by the pursuit of profit will be at an end,  of labour necessary for every individual to  in order  on the essential work of the world will be reduced to something like two or three hours daily; so  will have abundant leisure for following intellectual  to his nature.

method of production and distribution would to live decently, and free from the sordid anxieties for  which at present weigh so heavily on the greatest part of mankind.

But, moreover, men's social and moral relations would be seriously modified by this gain of economical freedom, and by the collapse of the superstitions, moral and other, which necessarily accompany a state of economical slavery: the test of duty would now rest on the fulfilment of clear and well-defined obligations to the community rather than on the moulding of the individual character and actions to some preconceived standard outside social responsibilities.

Our modern bourgeois property-marriage, maintained as it is by its necessary complement, universal venal prostitution would give place to kindly and human relations between the sexes.

Education freed from the trammels of commercialism on the one and superstition on the other, would become a reasonable drawing of men's varied faculties in order to fit them for a life of social intercourse and happiness; for mere work would no longer be proposed as the end of life, but happiness for each and all.

Only by such fundamental changes in the life of man, only by the transformation of Civilisation into Socialism, can those miseries of the world before-mentioned be mended.

As to mere politics, Absolutism, Constitutionalism, Republicanism, have all been tried in our day and under our present social system, and all have alike failed in dealing with the real evils of life.

But, on the other hand, will certain incomplete of social  now before the public solve the question.

Co-operation so-called—that is, competitive co-operation for profit—would merely increase the number of small joint-stock capitalists, under the mask of creating an aristocracy of labour, while it would intensify the severity of labour by its temptations to overwork.

Nationalisation of the latid alone, which many earnest and sincere are now preaching, would be useless so long as labour was subject to the fleecing of surplus value inevitable under the Capitalist system.

The better solution would be that State Socialism, but whatever name be called, whose aim it would be to snake concessions to the  class while leaving the present system of capital and wages : no number of merely administrative changes until the workers are in possession of all political power, would  real approach to Socialism.

The Socialist League therefore aims at the realisation of complete Revolutionary Socialism, and well knows that this can never happen any one country without the help of the workers in all civilisations. For us neither geographical boundaries, political history, race, nor creed makes rivals or enemies; for us there are no nation but our varied masses of workers and friends, whose mutual sympathies are checked or perverted by groups of master and fleecers whose interest is to stir up rivalries and hatreds between the dwellers in different.

It is clear that for all these oppressed and cheated masses of workers and their masters a great change is preparing: the dominant classes are uneasy, anxious, touched in conscience even, s to the condition of those they govern; the markets of the world ar being competed on with an eagerness never before known; everything points to the fact that the great commercial system is becoming unmanageable, and is slipping from the grasp of its present rulers.

The one change possible out of all this is Socialism. As chattel slavery passed into serfdom, and serfdom into the so-called free-labour system, so most surely will this latter pass into social order.

To the realisation of this change the Socialist League addresses itself with all earnestness. As a means thereto it will do all in its power towards the education of the people in the principles of this great cause, and will strive to organise those who will accept this education so that when the crisis comes, which the march of events is preparing there may be a body of men ready to step into their due places and deal with and direct the irresistible movement.

Close fellowship with each other, and steady purpose for the advancement of the Cause, will naturally bring about the organisation and discipline amongst ourselves absolutely necessary to success; but we shall look to it that there shall be no distinctions of rank or dignity amongst us to give opportunities for the selfish ambition of leadership which has so often injured the cause of the workers. We are working for equality and brotherhood for all the world, and it is only through equality and brotherhood that we can make our work effective.

Let us all strive, the, towards this end of realising the towards social order, the only cause worthy the attention of the workers of all that are proffered to them; let us work in that cause patiently, yet hopefully, and not shrink from making sacrifices to Industry in learning its principles, industry in teaching them, are most necessary to our progress; but to these we must add, if we wish to avoid speedy failure, frankness and fraternal trust in each other, and single-hearted devotion to the religion of Socialism, the only religion which the Socialist League professes.

seem at the present time to have arrived at the acute stage of the colonial fever which during the past three or four years has afflicted the various powers of Europe. Germany is vying with France, England with both, in the haste to seize upon “unoccupied” and to establish “protectorates”—the cant diplomatic for  annexation—over uncivilised peoples. “The rivalry among the for their share of the world market” (to quote the words of our manifesto) must now, one would think, have discovered itself to  the casual newspaper reader as the only meaning the  “diplomacy” and “foreign policy” any longer possess. jealousy between the courts of Europe, once the sole and recently the main cause of national enmity and war, has in  been superseded bu the jealousy between the great capitalists  various nationalities. The flunkey-patriot, zealous of his country's honour, dances as readily to-day to the pipe of capitalist freed as he did before to that of royal intrigue, let it but sound the  of  hatred. In both cases he makes the running for the