Page:The Bohemian Review, vol2, 1918.djvu/36

 Two Chicago dailies have again shown their interest in the fate of Bohemia. The Post in citing the leading article of the last issue of the Review used very kindly language. “With a dignity that expresses well one of the most splendid races of Central Europe, the Bohemian Review laments Bohemia’s outlook as painted in President Wilson’s war aims speech.” The Journal which has for three years paid close attention to Bohemian matters has on two occasions within the last month encouraged Bohemians to go on with their fight for independence.

The old friends of Bohemia show a constantly greater friendliness and interest while every month brings new champions. It is not too extravagant to hope that before this long war shall come to a close, the entire pubilcpublic [sic] opinion of America will espouse the side of Bohemia.

Coming a long time after the visits of the French, English and Russian missions the official mission of little Serbia has received little attention outside of the governmental circles. America should feel honored by the presence of these men. They represent a nation, small in numbers but great in soul, a nation which has brought more sacrifices in the cause of patriotism and freedom than France, a nation that suffered from the barbarism of the Huns more terribly than even Belgium. The members of the mission are men distinguished in the diplomatic and military service of their country.

Bohemians and Slovaks in the cities visited by the Serbian mission have taken a prominent part in the welcome extended to it. They wanted the visitors to know that they looked upon them as heroes, as friends, as brothers. For from among the entire Slav family of nations the Serbs of Serbia and their Jugoslav brothers in Austria-Hungary have been for many years in closest contact with the Czechoslovaks. Hundreds of Serbs and Croats resorted to the University of Prague, a school upon which they looked as the greatest Slav seat of learning, while Bohemia on the other hand furnished Serbia with industrial and financial experts for the development of her rich resources. During the several crises forced by the jingoes of Vienna and Budapest over the Balkan question Bohemian statesmen fearlessly defended the justice of Serbia's position in parliament, courts and press, and as early as the annexation crisis of 1908 Czech reservists refused to be mobilized against Serbia.

The cordiality of greeting extended to the Serbian mission by Czechoslovaks in this country was intensified by the fact that in Serbia Bohemians see at least one allied state that will support unconditionally the demand for independent Bohemia. The fate of the Serbians and the Czechoslovaks is bound together. No one, of course, doubts that Serbia will be restored; but mere restoration would leave her in a situation as dangerous and unsatisfactory as before the war. Even more so. This great war has obliterated entirely what small differences there existed formerly between Serbians, Croatians and Slovenians. There is now but one nation instead of three, the Jugoslav or South Slav nation. Any peace that would leave Austria-Hungary substantially intact, will mean that half the Jugoslavs would be free and half would remain under German-Magyar domination. The Serbian government as the spokesman of the entire Jugoslav nation must and will insist on a thorough solution of the problem of Austria; no half-way measures—such as satisfying the Poles and the Italians, possibly throwing a sop to Roumania and leaving the Jugoslavs and the Czechoslovaks in the lurch. If in the peace conference Bohemia should not have a representative of its own, Bohemians may feel assured that the Serbian representative will defend their interests.

At the New York reception Mr. Mika of the Slav Press Bureau welcomed the distinguished Serbians on behalf of Czechs and Slovaks, while Dr. Pisek and Mr. Woytisek presented the mission with a finely engraved address. In Chicago Mr. Vladimir Geringer aptly expressed the sentiments of the Czechoslovaks at a wonderfully enthusiastic meeting in the Auditorium.

The first feeling of discouragement at the apparent intention of the Allies to leave the Austrian Slavs under the Hapsburgs has been succeeded by a determination to work harder than ever for the attainment of Czechoslovak independence. The unfavorable diplomatic situation has emphasized the supreme importance of the Czechoslovak army. The published elsewhere in this issue and a ringing call to arms by Masaryk as head of the revolutionary government helped to increase the number of recruits for the army in France. If only volunteers from Russia can be brought soon to France, the Czechoslovak army will give a good account of itself in the campaign of 1918 and thus strengthen tremendously the claims of Bohemia.

Next to the army in importance is the necessity of urging the justice of Bohemian demands upon the hearts and consciences of America. Among the means to that end is the establishment of an office in Washington, increased press activity and greater efforts on the part of the entire membership of the Bohemian National Alliance so that the leaders in Europe may not suffer on account of lack of funds. For the purpose of carrying out plans for greater activity, removing causes of dissatisfaction and strengthening the whole movement in America a convention of the Bohemian National Alliance has been called to meet in Chicago for February 8th. There will be delegates from cities as far distant as New York and San Francisco, Winnipeg and Dallas.

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