Page:The Bohemian Review, vol2, 1918.djvu/14

 tion of which the new democratic states might live in security, and be at all times federated among themselves, with the Allies and with America. This treaty the sword alone can write; but its terms shall be dictated by the wisdom learnt in the suffering of those down-trodden peoples who knew what Germanism has done in the past and who dread its dominion in the world which it has failed to subdue, but which it is yet capable of beguiling into a peace more inhuman than war itself. Absit omen.”

“Last July, in referring to the Czechs of the Foreign Legion, I pointed out that there were not many of them under our flag, but that soon many more would come. Today it is an accomplished fact. An impending Decree of the President of the Republic is to regulate the formation of the Czechoslovak Army, and we can now give details about what could then only be indicated in a veiled form.

“This organization comes after two years of effort—a delay due solely to the complexity of the problem. It comes, too, at a good moment, to console us for a disappointment and to preserve us from an injustice. In our bitterness at the defection of the Russians, some of us might be tempted to bear a grudge against all that is Slav. A false and unjust generalization. In Russia the Slav temperament has been depressed by centuries of servility, corrupted by a morbid mysticism and by Socialistic Utopias; in Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia it survives firm and robust. Morally the Czechs are more like the Serbs than the Russians; tihsthis [sic] shows sufficiently how they can be relied upon.

“The new army will be composed partly of Czech and Slovak citizens living in Allied countries, partly of prisoners who surrendered to the Russians and Serbians, and who only ask to serve side by side with those against whom their oppressors had sent them. No pressure, no material or moral constraint, was needed to enroll them. In Russia, as soon as the enrollment of prisoners was authorized, over 20,000 Czechs offered themselves. The work of the Czech politicians consists in spreading, by persuasion, this patriotic enthusiasm, and to negotiate with the Allied Governments the ways and methods of execution. This was the task of the members of the National Czech Council—Professor Masaryk in Russia, Mr. Stefanik in Russia and America, Mr. Beneš in Paris, London and Rome.

“The Czechoslovak Army will number about 120,000 men. This is something even among the gigantic effectives of today. The valor of its fighting men is known. We have seen them in Artois and Champagne, and in the East Brusilov had done full justice to the Czechoslovak Brigade. In one of his communiques he quotes it among the exceptions which throw into relief the general collapse: ‘The Czechoslovaks, perfidiously abandoned at Tarnopol by our infantry, fought in such a way that the world ought to fall on its knees before them’.”

“These 120,000 men will be distributed on the various fighting fronts. An important section of them is to be included in the French Army; the highest cadres will be, for the time being, French, for a reason which is worth mentioning. There are very few higher officers among the Czechs. In theAustrian [sic] Army the highest posts were for the most part closed, in practice, to the Slavs, as in Germany to the Jews. Thus the Czech troops at present lack leaders; but good ones will soon be formed.

“In return for this collaboration in our defense the Czechs ask us nothing! There has been no bargain between them and the Allied Powers. They claim no pledge which might embarrass us. They only claim the right to shed their blood for the cause which they feel to be just and to coincide with their destinies as a people.

“This does not mean that we ought to forget, later on, what they do for us; but such an attitude on their part is at once the most generous and the most happily inspired. Like the philosopher who proved motion by walking, the Czech nation proves its existence by action and struggle.