Page:The Bohemian Review, vol2, 1918.djvu/138

 gether, public meetings were prohibited, the leading deputies were in jail, newspapers were suppressed and those that remained had to publish what the military censor ordered, and there was the quiet of the grave all through the Czech lands. But if the Bohemians were not permitted to speak what was in their minds, they could not be made to say what would be pleasing to Austria. The most cruel persecutions, culminating in thousands of executions, could not extort from the Czech people or from their representatives a single declaration of loyalty to the Empire or to the cause of the Central Powers. The pressure brought to bear upon the parliamentary delegates and upon the city councils of Bohemia and Moravia was tremendous, but not a single deputy, not a single corporation, would join in the enthusiastic declarations of the Austro-Germans, nor would the people celebrate German victories. When, after the death of Francis Joseph and the revolution in Russia the reign of terror in Austria relaxed, the whole Czech nation was seen to be united against Austria and for the Czechoslovak independence. Political and religious differences were put aside and all the Czech deputies acted as one body. By solemn declarations in the Vienna Parliament, by popular demonstrations in Prague and other cities, by manifestos of authors, scholars, chambers of commerce, by resolutions of cities and villages and district councils, they made it plain that they were through with the Hapsburgs, that they would dare all for the sake of independence and that they were looking to the Allies for assistance.

The Czech nation, formerly broken into many quarreling parties, is absolutely united, standing as one man on the platform first given out by Masaryk in 1915 in the Bohemian Declaration of Independence.

But after all, in time of war more is demanded than solemn declarations and noble aspirations. He who deserves liberty must fight for it and must be ready to die for it. The Czechoslovaks have proved that they were worthy of liberty by raising armies to fight for it. But how could they fight, since they formed a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, being in the very center of Central Europe, as it were in the very deepest cell of the Pan-German jail? To fight in Bohemia would have meant a useless slaughter. The Czechs were willing to die, but not willing to throw away their lives uselessly. So the regiments surrendered to the Russians, to the Serbians and to the Italians, as soon as the work of the Czechoslovak National Council prepared the ground for it in the cabinets of the Allied Powers. They were organized into Czechoslovak forces to fight against their tyrants. In Russia their fortunes culminated into the most striking episode of the entire war. While the great Slav nation of Russia became utterly disorganized and fell a helpless prey to the German robbers, the Slavs of Bohemia and Slovakia scattered as prisoners of war through millions of square miles of territory managed to come together, secure arms, establish firm discipline, and may yet prove to be the salvation of Russia from German penetration.

Is there anyone today who can doubt the ability of the Czechoslovaks to govern themselves? Can anyone claim that they have not earned the right to complete independence? The past four years have proved that the nation which 500 years ago first raised the standard of liberty and democracy is still fired by a pasison for liberty and that it possesses in an abundant measure the sense of discipline and political maturity which an independent nation ought to have. Just as firmly as we believe in the final and complete victory of the Allies, so surely we are convinced that the Czechoslovaks will obtain that boon which is the highest possession of a people—political independence.