Page:The Bohemian Review, vol1, 1917.djvu/142

 from the principal Bohemian fraternal and other organizations of national scope. Since the Alliance of Bohemian Catholics has become a part of our body, men and women of the most varied religious, political, ndand [sic] economic convictions sit in the executive council of the Alliance—Sokols, Catholics, Protestants, socialists, delegates of women’s relief organizations, all work in complete harmony for liberty of Bohemia.

Several months ago American newspapers and periodicals began to write in a hopeful vein about the situation in Hungary and about the possibility of a separate peace. Count Tisza, the iron man of Hungary, who is no less responsible for the outbreak of the war than the German militarists, found his position untenable. His active connection with Berlin and the permanent part he had taken in the war made it desirable to side-track him for the time being, and place in his stead someone whose activity was less known and who would therefore be more acceptable in future negotiations. The fall of his government was viewed in the light of a democratic victory, and it was widely believed that a liberal era was about to ensue. Some expressed the conviction that a separate peace with Hungary would soon become more than a possibility.

How vain the hopes! Even then those who knew Hungary best pointed out the fact that a change in the government of Hungary is but a change of person, involving very slight, if any, modification of policies. In Hungary politics are the privilege of a favored few aristocrats and plutocrats. There is no parliamentary system in the true sense of the word, and when a leader is compelled to retire, it does not mean that a new party, with different principles, comes into power. The fall of the leader is usually due to the fact that he is no longer able to dominate a majority. His person alone counts.

Magyar statesmen, with the exception of a few individuals, are in perfect accord with the objects of the Central Powers. Instead of being opposed to the war they hailed its outbreak as an opportunity to strengthen their internal position and to advance their hegemony over their non-Magyar subjects. This was their firm conviction at the beginning of the war and has remained such to the present day. It will also remain their conviction regardless of who may head the government for the time being. We have now sufficient proof to demonstrate that the only difference between the government of Count Tisza and the present Esterhazy government is one between tweedle dee and tweedle dum.

On the 5th of July Baron Julius Madaraszy-Beck addressed an interpellation to Premier Esterhazy on the relations of the new government of Hungary to Germany. Giving his answer on the 11th of the same month, the Premier said: “We cling fast to the well-tested alliance of the monarchy with Germany. The government identifies itself in this respect fully with the stand point of the previous government.”

A few days prior to this, Premier Esterhazy was in Vienna discussing various questions relating to foreign affairs, and taking active part in the conclusion of a new commercial treaty with Germany. On that occasion he was received in audience by the Emperor of Germany, whom the Premier assured, according to the “Vilag”, of Hungary’s faithful and self-sacrificing alliance. As a result of this attitude Premier Esterhazy was decorated with the Iron Cross of the second class. In view of the fact that Count Karolyi, in a speech delivered at Felegyhaza on the 24th of June, publicly proclaimed that Count Tisza’s government bears all the responsibility for the outbreak and the continaution [sic] of the war and in view of the fact that Count Esterhazy’s government is in perfect accord with the war policies of this same preceding government of Tisza, there is little to hope for in the future. We must regard the change of government in Hungary as a skillful attempt to mislead the Allies into a belief that Hungary’s present attitude is favorable to peace. Whereas, in fact, it is no different than it was before. In some of their notes the Allies had made it plain that in the future the rights