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 to develope and unravel the particularity of causes and effects, thro' all their variety of combination and mutual influence, as it would extend this Estimate beyond its designed limits, must be left to make a part of some future enquiry."

Notwithstanding this striking picture of a degenerate age, the author allows us some virtues; and admits that we still possess the spirit of liberty, the spirit of humanity, and public justice in an high degree. The second volume of this work contains retractions of such mistakes as the author thinks he has committed in his first volume; proofs of his assertions; illustrations of what had not been fully explained; replies to objections; and such further consequences as may be deduced from his principles. He concludes this volume with two pictures; one of a great minister, the other of a true political writer, for the originals of either the reader cannot possibly be at a loss: of the minister he says:

"He will not only have honest intentions of mind, but wisdom to plan, and courage to execute.

He will regard the interests of the prince and people, as inseparably and invariably united.

He will, to the utmost of his power, abolish ministerial influence on parliament, and discourage parliamentary influence among the great.

He will endeavour to destroy party distinctions; and to unite all men, in the support of the common and national welfare.

In consequence of this, he will be hated by the corrupt part of the kingdom, high and low, because their expectations of advantage can only arise from those distinctions and that influence which he labours to abolish.

The honest and unprejudiced part of the nation will adore him for the contrary reason.

He will be remarkable rather for his knowledge in the great principles of wisdom and virtue, than in the oblique ways and mysteries of selfish cunning.

He may be displaced once, or more than once, by the power of faction; but the united voice of an uncorrupt people will restore him to the favour of the Sovereign; especially in a time of danger. And the oftener he is cut down by corrupt power, the deeper root he will take in the affections of the prince and people, and rise and flourish with renewed vigour.

His private life will be consistent with his public conduct: he will not adopt, but scorn the degenerate manners of the times. Above luxury and parade, he will be modest and temperate; and his contempt of wealth will be as signal as his contempt of luxury.

He will be distinguished by his regard to religion, honour, and his country.

He will not despife, but honour the people, and listen to their united voice.

If his measures are not always clear to the people in their Means, they will always be so in their Ends. In this he will imitate a great Queen, or her great minister, 'whose policy was deep, and the means she employed were often very secret; but the ends to which this policy and these means were directed, were never equivalent.'

As a natural and happy consequence of this conduct, fhould he happen either to err in a de-