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Rh attention to them. He opened his speech with an answer to all those who had argued that "a young man starting out in life as I am, ruins his future, ruins his prospects of advancement in his profession and of preferment in his party by having the courage and manhood to stand forth against corruption in public affairs, after a man has been nominated by his party. If that be the consequence," he said, "I accept it with pleasure."

Heney put loyalty to his country first in this speech. It was higher than his duty to his family and, as for parties, they were means to an end. "Therefore," he said, " when we find that a corrupt man has been nominated by a party, it becomes not only our privilege, but the bounden duty of every man to fall back upon the first principles which caused him to join that party, to wit: the welfare of the country generally. Patriotism and manhood must rise above party fealty and boss rule." Then he proceeded for two hours to charge, in general and in detail, with the evidence, that Boss Barnes stood for corruption in politics. Barnes wasn't there. The Boss had not accepted Heney's challenge.

Barnes "wasn't going to pay any attention" to the "attack," but he found that he must; it was hurting him and, in a few da3rs, he came out with a reply. That was the beginning of the end of this boss. Thenceforward he was forever on the defensive. Heney followed up his advantage at the next primaries with some practical politics. He and his crowd organized a Democratic Club, which enabled them to put up a "regular" Democratic ticket. Electing a majority of the delegates, he went to the convention to make trades and dickers himself. He wasn't expert and Barnes got the ticket. But Heney had learned that party sovereignty lies in the county committees. Letting everything else go he pledged everybody to his slate for committeemen, and by threatening, if he was beaten, to go out and beat Barnes's ticket, he forced the boss's own candidates to help him hold the delegates in line. His committee was elected and he made himself chairman. Thus Frank Heney put himself in the place of the boss of Pima County.

Many Americans think that all they have to do to get good government is to elect good men to office. This had been Heney's theory and his power as boss gave him the opportunity to put his theory to the test. He was a good leader: honest, sincere and not afraid; and his followers were like him, gay, enthusiastic and unselfish. Their platform was (1st) good men in office, (2d) economy, and (3d)—as a corollary—no graft.

Heney will tell you now that, besides negative planks in your platform, you must have a positive policy for the solution of the problems of government. For example, he had been fighting all those years to dethrone the vice interests and that was accomplished when he took their place. But he didn't solve the vice problem; he didn't know it was a problem. Having "nothing against the saloon keepers and gamblers," he "let them alone"—to fight him; and they fought him.

And so with the other business interests. He knew the railroad and mining men; he was attorney for some of them. He had nothing against them, so he let them alone—to fight him. And on the quiet, they opposed him. They had nothing against him personally, but they knew from experience that they couldn't control him. He was "unsafe."

Heney had nothing against the territorial machine of his party, either. He was a part of it. He was "down on" the governor and his administration: they were Republicans and "bad men" of course. But the Republican President of the United States had appointed them and the only hope of a change was at the approaching national election. But this couldn't concern Heney very much. His interest was in Tucson. He hoped, if a Democrat was elected President, to be appointed United States District Attorney, but he wanted the place only to be able to do things down his way. As County Chairman, Heney delivered his delegation to the territorial machine; he supported the territorial boss, Mark Smith, for renomination to Congress, and then stumped the territory for Cleveland and Smith.

In brief, Heney did not fight Boss Smith till, like Boss Barnes, Smith threw him down. When Cleveland was elected for his