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 FRANCE 391 public instruction, and the improvements he introduced in all the branches of public ser- vice ; while he added to his military and polit- ical glory by his triumphs at Austerlitz, Jena, Friedland, Eckmtihl, and Wagram, and by the treaties of peace which he signed at Pres- burg (1805), Tilsit (1807), and Vienna (1809), with the great powers of Europe, successive- ly brought by England into coalition against him. He had now reached the height of his power and glory; he had placed his broth- ers on the thrones of Holland, Westphalia, and Spain, and his brother-in-law on that of Naples ; he thus extended his influence over nearly the whole of western Europe, and be- came the most powerful ruler of the world. But his insatiate ambition and arbitrary rule were incessant causes of hatred and oppo- sition against him among the sovereigns and the nations of Europe ; they did not cease from efforts for his overthrow. His power was shaken by the successful resistance which he met with in the Spanish peninsula (1808-'13); and his prestige was ruined by his disastrous expedition to Russia in 1812. The European nations, recovering their courage, united against him ; and their combined exertions inflicted upon him at Leipsic, Oct. 16-19, 1813, a blow from which he never recovered. It was in vain that he accomplished wonders during the campaign of 1814; he could not expel his enemies from the French territory; he was dethroned, and a prince of the house of Bour- bon, the brother of Louis XVI., received from the conquerors the sceptre of France, now re- stricted to her old limits. The sudden return of Napoleon from Elba overthrew this new power ; and for 100 days, from March 20 to June 28, 1815, he was again the sovereign of France; but the battle of Waterloo (June 18, 1815) destroyed his power for ever, and the Bourbons, reinstated by foreign bayonets, once more ruled the kingdom. From this time the history of France can be again followed in the biographies of her rulers, of whose reigns we give here but a brief review. Louis XVIII., the first monarch under the restoration, grant- ed a charter to his subjects, and, keeping care- fully within the limits of that instrument, died in 1824 in undisturbed possession of his throne, although, in compliance with orders from the holy alliance, he had in 1823 sent a French army to put down the liberal revolution in Spain. His brother and successor Charles X., a man whose character inclined him toward a less liberal government, anxious to take back the little liberty France was enjoying, tried to divert public attention by supporting the Greek insurrection against Turkey (1827-' 8) and con- quering Algiers (1830). But these enterprises failed to conciliate public opinion, and when the king attempted to suspend some of the most important guarantees secured by the charter, a formidable insurrection broke out, July 27, 1830. Charles was obliged to abdi- cate ; and after a few days' interval the head of the younger branch of the house of Bourbon, Louis Philippe, duke of Orleans, was appointed " king of the French " (Aug. 9) by the chamber of deputies. The choice, being acceptable to the middle classes or bourgeoisie, was maintained ; and notwithstanding some occasional outbursts of republicanism among the people, the July monarchy, as it was called, lasted for nearly 18 years. At first Louis Philippe seemed will- ing to fulfil the expectations of the liberalists, supported Belgium against Holland, and seized upon Ancona to counterbalance the influence of the Austrians in Italy. But by degrees his policy was changed; the government proved reactionary at home and devoid of energy abroad ; and the popular favor on which it had relied deserted it. A political manifesta- tion in favor of parliamentary reform brought on another revolution, Feb. 24, 1848; and although the majority of the nation would have preferred the continuation of a constitutional liberal monarchy, the irresistible course of events precipitated them into a republic. (See LAMARTINE.) The middle classes, being appa- rently resigned to their present fate, professed to be ready to give this new form of govern- ment a fair trial; but within a few months the majority of their representatives in the constituent assembly, frightened by socialistic movements and a terrible civil struggle in the capital (June 23-26), gave strong evidence of hostility to it. A so-called republican consti- tution was adopted, and on Dec. 10, 1848, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, the nephew of Napoleon I., was elected president of the French repub- lic for a term of four years, by 5,434,226 votes, against about 1,450,000 given to Gen. Cavai- gnac, who had crushed the June insurrection. (See BONAPAKTE, NAPOLEON III.) Internal dissensions, some signs of which were appa- rent, soon estranged the majority of the legisla- tive assembly, which succeeded the constituent in 1849, from the president; and rumors of revolution became rife as the epoch of a new presidential election approached. The expect- ed revolution took place, Dec. 2, 1851 ; by a bold stroke of policy the president dissolved the assembly, assumed dictatorial powers, and made an appeal to the people, asking them to sanction by their votes what had been done. The support of the army had been previously secured, and various unconcerted attempts at armed resistance were smothered by energetic and bloody measures. The revo- lutionary president, who alone controlled the elections, was chosen for a term of ten years by 7,439,216 votes; a new constitution, very much like the consular one framed by Bona- parte in 1799, was promulgated; and finally, on Nov. 7, 1852, the senate made a motion for the reestablish ment of the empire ; this having been assented to by a vote of 7,824,129 citi- zens, the empire was proclaimed, Dec. 2, 1852, and Louis Napoleon ascended the throne with the title of " Napoleon III., hereditary emperor of the French by the grace of God and the