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 CONFEDERATE STATES 227 Washington. In his inaugural address the president began by declaring that the acces- sion of a republican administration afforded no ground to the southern states for apprehend- ing any invasion of their rights. He said : "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. I believe that I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no in- clination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me knew that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never re- canted them." He proceeded to argue that no state upon its own mere motion can lawfully go out of the Union ; that resolves and ordi- nances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary according to circumstances. " I therefore consider that, in view of the constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken ; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the constitution it- self expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the states." President Lincoln appointed as his cabinet William H. Seward, secretary of state ; Salmon P. Chase, of the treasury; Simon Cameron, of war ; Gideon Welles, of the navy ; Caleb B. Smith, of the interior ; Edward Bates, attorney general; and Montgomery Blair, postmaster general. The last two were from the slave states of Missouri and Maryland. The executive government of the United States was thus transferred from the hands of a party which had held it since the beginning of the century, with two or three brief intervals, during which period of 60 years southern men had occupied the presidential chair for more than two thirds of the time, while the north- ern men who attained to that high office, with the single exception of John Quincy Adams, were "northern men with southern prin- ciples." It was a great and striking change of dynasty, and was naturally followed by pro- found convulsions. Meantime the seceded states had been making vigorous efforts to or- ganize and sustain a general government for themselves. On Feb. 4, 1861, a congress com- posed of delegates from South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana met at Montgomery, Ala., and were joined not long afterward by delegates from Texas. How- ell Cobb of Georgia, ex-secretary of the treas- ury of the United States, was elected chair- man. A constitution for the provisional gov- ernment of the " Confederate States of Ame- rica" was adopted, Feb. 8, which general- ly resembled that of the United States, but was superseded by a permanent constitution adopted unanimously March 11. This consti- tution adopted in nearly all its parts the precise language, and followed in its articles and sec- tions the arrangement of the constitution of the United States. The main particulars in which it differed from that instrument were these : In the preamble the words " each state acting in its sovereign and independent charac- ter " were inserted to include the doctrine of state sovereignty, and to exclude the argument drawn from the preamble of the old constitu- tion that it had been made by the people of the states collectively, and not by the states themselves. The official term of the president and vice president was extended to six years, and the president disqualified for reelection. The protective policy was prohibited by the declaration that no duties or taxes on importa- tions from foreign nations should be laid to promote or foster any branch of industry. Ex- port duties were allowed to be levied with the concurrence of two thirds of .both houses of congress. The impeachment of any judicial or other federal officer, resident and acting solely within the limits of any state, was al- lowed by a vote of two thirds of both branches of the legislature thereof, as well as by the house of representatives of congress ; but the senate of the Confederate States was to have the sole power to try all such impeachments. No gen- eral appropriation of money was allowed un- less asked for and estimated by some one of the heads of departments, except by a two- thirds vote in both branches of congress. The object of this was to make each administration responsible as far as possible for the public ex- penditures. All extra pay or extra allowance to any public contractor, agent, or servant was prohibited, as well as all bounties. In- ternal improvements by congress were pro- hibited. The power of the president to re- move from office was restricted to removals for special cause, which must be reported to the senate with the reasons therefor, except in the case of the principal officer in each of the ex- ecutive departments and all persons connected with the diplomatic service. The right of any citizen of one state to pass through or sojourn in another with his slaves was expressly guar- anteed. In adjusting the basis of representa- tion and direct taxation, " three fifths of all slaves " are enumerated, instead of three fifths of " other persons," as in the constitution of the United States. The clause relating to fu- gitives from service or labor in the old consti- tution was enlarged so as expressly to include slaves, in order to preclude that interpretation which limited its meaning to apprentices and other persons legally bound for a term of years. The African slave trade was pro- hibited. Slavery in the territories was to be "recognized and protected by congress and by the territorial government." And finally it was provided that " congress may by law grant to the principal officer in each of the executive departments a seat upon the floor of either house, with the privilege of discussing any measures appertaining to his department." Some of these changes were improvements on the constitution of the United States, which the experience of 70 years had shown to be desirable. Others, especially those relating to