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Rh this discussion. Let the calm verdict of history decide between the Confederate Government and their calumniators.

We regret that The Nation did not attempt to meet these points fairly and squarely, instead of seeking to break their force by an ingenious (though we are willing to hope unintentional) misrepresentation of what we wrote.

But as it has not thought proper to pursue this course, let us briefly examine some of the points in its review. The sneer at the testimony of "persons like General Lee, who do not appear to have had any personal knowledge of the matter," shows an utter misapprehension of the object for which we introduced such testimony.

We gave the statements of ex-President Davis, General R. E. Lee, Vice-President A. H. Stephens, and others high in authority among the Confederates, not to show that there was not suffering among the prisoners, but to show that the Confederate Government always ordered that the prisoners should be kindly treated, and that they sought to have these kind intentions carried out.

We did not attempt to justify cruel treatment to Federal prisoners on the ground "that the North was responsible for the stoppage of exchange, and that Southerners suffered in Northern prisons." We might not have introduced the treatment of Confederates in Northern prisons at all, in this discussion, but for the fact that Mr. Blaine (to whom we were replying) threw down the gauntlet, and declared that there was no cruel treatment of Confederate prisoners at the North—indeed, that they were much better cared for than when in the Confederacy—and we felt called on, therefore, to show that the Federal authorities were themselves guilty of the atrocities which they (falsely) charged against the Confederates.

The statement that "this Historical Society justifies the preparations made to blow up the thousand and odd Union officers in the Libby Prison at the time when the near approach of Dahlgren threatened Richmond," is not capable of even a fair inference from anything which we wrote. We simply published in full, without note or comment, the report of the committee of the Confederate Congress, presented March 3d, 1865, in which they give the circumstances under which the authorities of Libby Prison acted (Dahlgren approaching Richmond for the avowed purpose of liberating over 5,000 prisoners and sacking the city, after murdering the