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We thus considered the fundamental questions which were on the agenda of the Constituent Congress of the revolutionary trade unions and this is, in a general way, the ideological, theoretical and practical equipment with which the Profintern began its struggle for influence on the masses.

First of all, it met with opposition from the reformists, which was quite natural, as this Congress was aimed against them. We also met with opposition from a part of the anarcho-syndicalists, who saw a too close connection between the Profintern and Comintern. The fight on this point which began right after the First Congress is still continuing.

We will dwell on the characteristics of the Constituent Congress itself, on our slogan: The fight for unity of the trade union movement. The Congress itself, according to its composition, had a very original character. There were representatives of independent organizations and representatives of revolutionary minorities within the reformist unions. Such minorities we have in all countries. We also had there separate unions of revolutionary workers which split away from the old unions. Also those who have been expelled from reformist ranks. Thus, the Congress by its composition was in fact a congress of such organizations an exact estimate of whose members could not be made, because for that purpose it would be required to form our minorities organizationally, which would have brought a split in the old unions.

At our Congress were official representatives of the revolutionary parts of those organizations which participate in "Amsterdam." This peculiarity of the Profintern should be remembered when we consider the specific gravity and the practical influence on the world's trade union movement. The creation of a new international must find its justification in the objective conditions of the class struggle.

In general, internationals are created with great difficulty, and it is natural that there must be very serious objective reasons in the world's labor movement in order that such may be created, and, which is more important, may live and develop.

Above we characterized those conditions in which the labor movement has been in the last couple of years. Now, arises the question: Has the Profintern grown for the last two years, since its Constituent Congress?

It is enough briefly to compare the Profintern with the Amsterdam International in order to see a steady, undeviating growth of our influence. How can we explain that growth? By the ideological, organizational and political disintegration of reformism and by that bankruptcy which has appeared recently especially in connection with the