Page:Solomon Abramovich Lozovsky - The World's Trade Union Movement (1924).pdf/93

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It is necessary to stop a moment on the definition of the "socialization of production," which, for the last two years has been subject to various explanations. We think that under the definition of the "socialization of production," should be understood such a system of productive relations by which the private owner is expropriated and the working class becomes the owner of the establishment. But this is our "barbarian" Bolshevik point of view; the reformists, under the term "socialization of production" understand something entirely different.

In Germany, directly after the November revolution of 1918, the question of socialization of production arose the second day of the revolution. But there the question did not present itself in such a manner as it did to us. We, on the second day after the October revolution, began to seize the factories and shops, "offending" the owners, because it was very difficult not to offend them. But in Germany, they advocated the idea of a gradual socialization of the means of productions.

The German reformists at that time advocated not the forcible seizure, which only the "wild" Bolsheviks could permit themselves, but a buying up for compensation to the owners for the property seized. We first seized the factories and then began to talk about how to work out "socialization." The reformists, on the other hand, stood on the viewpoint of "gradualization," spent their time in talking about socialization, and its realization they postponed indefinitely.

The following happened. Scientific commissions on socialization were created, in which, alongside with Kautsky and others, the owners also worked, and the longer these Commissions worked the deeper they got into jungles until, finally, they reached the conclusion that, "Socialization is a very difficult thing."

They chewed that question for one year, then they chewed it for another year, until, as a result of this chewing they made a couple of thick volumes of all kinds of theoretical investigations—and socialization did not only not forge ahead, but it disappeared entirely from the scene.

It is clear that such a form of socialization, which turns itself into a discussion about socialization, without any practical results, could not be acceptable to our Congress. We consider Labor Control as the first step to real socialization. We did not think it possible to possess Labor Control while the bourgeoisie was still in power. We considered it as a means of seizing the establishment. We had enough reasons to ap-