Page:Solomon Abramovich Lozovsky - The World's Trade Union Movement (1924).pdf/92

88 the other, a striving to remain in the old, conservative frame-work. If the Factory and Shop Committees are to become organs of struggle, it is possible only when they are elected by all the workers of the given factory. Is there a danger that in such a case this organ may become anti-class in character? Of course there is.

But it is our purpose to elect to each of these Factory Committees the more advanced and revolutionary workers through our propaganda and agitation in each factory. As long as the workers are electing the reformists, it shows their backwardness. If they elect Catholics, that shows still more backwardness. But we take the working class as it is. It has to be educated, united on the basis of certain political action, and not phrases. That is why we were categorically opposed to "leftism," which was suddenly shown by the reformists.

In France, at the time of the last conventions of the Metal Workers and Mine Workers, at the discussion of the Factory and Mine Committees, there were three points of view. Some said that in the elections only members of revolutionary trade unions should participate; others were of the opinion that these Committees should be elected not only by members of the revolutionary unions but also by the reformist unions. The last—our point of view—was adopted, that the Factory and Shop Committees should be elected by all the workers of the given factory or shop, independent of whether they belong to any union at all. Digging into this question is enough, in reality, to arrive at our point of view.

Let us admit for a moment that the Factory and Shop Committees should be elected only by members of revolutionary unions. But what is the use to elect them at all; the workers who are members of revolutionary unions are already organized, so what's the use of organizing them along some other system? Our aim is that, for example, one hundred revolutionary organized workers shall have an influence on another nine hundred workers, and it is clear by putting the question in such a way, all limitations of participating in the elections of Factory and Shop Committees do not stand any criticism. The First Congress of the Profintern in its resolutions on the organizational question, opposed all limitations, advocating the idea of creating Factory and Shop Committees through general and equal franchise in the factories and shops. The Congress also advocated the slogan of labor control through these Factory and Shop Committees, which control is a powerful instrument of the working class for the seizure of shops and factories.