Page:Solomon Abramovich Lozovsky - The World's Trade Union Movement (1924).pdf/85

 Rh proletariat, but in that they are—in the opinion of the "independents" the chief force in the struggle against the bourgeoisie. The unions, according to their opinion, will make the revolution themselves. They, themselves, will lead it and attain the final results of victory. Thus, under the formula of "independent" trade unions we have a competition with the revolutionary party, the idea of taking the place of the party organization and leaving to the trade unions alone all the problems confronting the working class.

It is quite natural that the theory of "neutralism," that the theory of "independence," could find no sympathy at our First (Constituent) Congress; because the former as well as the latter is strange to the working class. What are the roots of the theory of "independence?" In setting forth "economics" as in opposition to "politics."

For the anarcho-syndicalists who advocate the "full independence" of the trade union movement, the political struggle "does not exist." There is an economic struggle of the working class which is all-embracing, and they call a "social struggle" what we call a "general class struggle." They deny politics, confusing politics with parliamentarism, and, fighting against the latter, they repudiate all political struggle.

But what is "politics" and what is "economics?" Can these two be divided? In the program of the Russian Communist Party there is a very excellent definition of "politics." It is stated: "Politics is concentrated economics." And, in reality, what do we understand by "political struggle?" We understand such a clashing of class forces in which—instead of separate detachments of the workers coming to blows with separate detachments of the bourgeoisie—a class as such meets the other class. Thus, every step of ours, in which the general class formation and methods of struggle are reflected, is in fact, a political struggle.

Can we separate from the political struggle economic moments and say, for example, "The fight for an eight hour day, for the seizure of the factories, is a purely economic struggle?" Can we here divide politics from economics? It may be done in the confused anarchist minds, But in reality, in the everyday class struggle, this cannot be done.

We have the struggle of the British coal miners to keep their wage scale, for those forms of nationalization in the mining industry which they advocate—what's that, an economic or political struggle? When a million coal miners are participating in a struggle which is shaking the whole colossal power of the British Empire—what is that, economics or politics?

We see a colossal economic battle in America for the eight hour day, for labor insurance, demonstrations by hundreds of thousands of workers against the lengthening of the work day—what is it: economics or politics? The attempt to sub-divide economics from politics is pure