Page:Solomon Abramovich Lozovsky - The World's Trade Union Movement (1924).pdf/61

Rh If we will look over all the literature. of the Amsterdam International and its affiliated organizations we will not find even a serious analysis of Fascism. We will find separate articles against Fascist reaction, but we will not find even an attempt tje~concentrate upon that social phenomenon which began to spread all over the world, not even one attempt to concentrate upon a political analysis or to bring about a general line of action against Fascism.

However, there is something more serious than that just mentioned, and it is more peculiar if the Amsterdam International in the question of Fascism did not show any activity and not only gave no instructions to its local organizations about the methods of struggle against Fascism, but the local organizations which were affiliated to it in this question had a very strange position. Here, again, we have to turn to Italy with which we deal every time when we talk about Fascism, as we have to mention Russia when we talk about Bolshevism.

Fascism, after its victory in Italy, at once showed itself in the pressure upon the working class along all lines, beginning with lowering the wages, lengthening the work-day, etc. In order to attain all this the Fascists began to destroy the labor organizations, taking away from them headquarters, destroying the trade unions, capturing the co-operatives, killing the more active leaders.

And here the Fascists figured that the more revolutionists were annihilated, the harder the labor organizations would be hit, so much more difficult would be the future victory of the revolution The revolution cannot be destroyed by destroying the revolutionists, but it can surely be obstructed. We know that after the Paris Commune when the French bourgeoisie in the bloody week between the 20th and 27th of March, 1871, killed 30,000 workers, it reflected on the labor movement of France. The blood letting which took place in the first years of the German revolution, reflected on the tempo of development and on the revolutionary organizations themselves and the revolutionary events of Germany.

The destruction of the more revolutionary elements, of course, cannot save any country from revolution, for the revolution is brought about by objective conditions, and instead of one set of leaders, others will come. But, to make it more difficult for the revolution, to make it more injurious and bloody, this Fascism with its methods may do. This is the main purpose of Fascism, which it is striving for, and from its point of view is attaining.

I have said that the reformists like to align Bolshevism and Fascism, and then to exclaim: "No Fascism, no Bolshevism, but democracy!"

It seemed that with the Fascist coup and the domination of the Fascist fist in Italy not only were the democratic forms of government destroyed but also the labor organizations were razed to the ground