Page:Solomon Abramovich Lozovsky - The World's Trade Union Movement (1924).pdf/101

 Rh expressed its sympathy for Fascism. It is an organization which spends its time in the collection of documents, and even here, we may state, it specializes in falsification.

It is true the International Labor Bureau is attempting to draft proposals for laws, but nobody now takes this organization seriously. Right after the war, the International Labor Bureau had to demonstrate the social liberalism of the victors, distracting the attention of the working masses from the struggle. For the bourgeoisie it was a diversion; for the leaders of the reformist trade union movement it was a "conquest." But as soon as the immediate danger passed, the International Labor Bureau was, in fact, turned into a society of amateurs of social science who are spending their time in useless and timid talk.

If the bourgeois governments of Europe and America are still donating money to the upkeep of this institution, simply because they still expect to make use of this apparatus against the proletariat which is again raising its head—then the workers at least should have nothing in common with this "joint" created by the trust of the victors.

We will take up the problem of reparations. Above I have stated the Amsterdam viewpoint of that problem, the crux of which was and is: The Germans must rebuild the destroyed districts, Why the Germans alone? Why should only Belgium and France be reconstructed? Have not Russia, Austria, Bulgaria, Turkey, Germany and Poland also been destroyed? These are the first "impudent" questions which we usually ask the Amsterdamers. But there is still another impudent question.

From the documents already published it is clear that the international bourgeoisie is guilty of the world war, so, logically, if there is going to be compensation, let them all pay. The Hamburg Congress of the Second International adopted a resolution which proves that international imperialism as a whole is guilty of the war. It seems that from this they had to make a logical conclusion that all the imperialists, and not only the Germans, should pay. But, in the end, this very same resolution demands that—"The Germans should pay."

The reformists' logic that only the Germans have to pay, is beyond our comprehension. But this is not the only thing on which we disagree with the Amsterdamers. Let us say that Germany should pay. But who in Germany should be the ones to pay? Germany does not represent a class unit. Who, in particular, should pay in Germany? According to our opinion the German bourgeoisie should pay, but this can be done only when we seize the bourgeoisie by the throat.