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 in some sectors of the economy it was being applied. Joshi’s own thinking has been taking a different turn for some years and his thoughts began to crystallize around 1991. In the light of global and national changes taking place Joshi began to rethink his own role and also the role of SS. The path of farmers’ agitations for their demands seemed to have reached a kind of dead end. Even earlier, at a meeting of his close colleagues at Ambethan on 3 August 1988, he had proposed disbanding SS which he said had served its purpose. However, because of the stiff opposition, he relented and the work continued. Joshi was forty five and in a way past his prime when he launched farmers’ struggle. Still he poured every ounce of his energy in the struggle. Struggle did have some major plus points. It drew attention of the society to the injustices farmers suffered. It built a farmers’ organization which nobody till then had felt feasible. It hugely benefitted farmers. For instance, the higher price of sugarcane ensured that sugarcane growers began to taste the fruits of their labour for the first time. It boosted the farmers’ confidence that they could unite, fight hard and emerge successful. Joshi’s interpretation of his struggle in the broad framework of struggle between “Bharat” and “India” undoubtedly put farmers on the national agenda. But at the same time the limitations of such struggle were also becoming clear to him. For instance, however much one tried to build brotherhood amongst farmers, the onion growers were not involved in the struggle of sugarcane farmers, sugarcane farmers were absent during the tobacco growers’ agitation and tobacco growers were not around to fight on behalf of the cotton growers. In a way it was understandable. An average farmer, whatever he might wish to do, just could not leave his farm and go around championing Search for New Ways

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