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 have not mentioned, but one always with us, and, to my mind, more important, I will add more far reaching in its consequences, than, with the single exception of Slavery, all the other issues I have recalled put together. I refer to the problem of so readjusting and arranging our political machinery as to enable the people of the country, whether in Nation, State or City, not only to put in public life, but to keep in public life, those whom nature and experience have most highly qualified to do good service there. As to the deficiency in this respect of our present machinery, I regard Mr. as an object lesson, no less eloquent than unanswerable.

On one point, at least, we are all agreed. In a government of the people, whether you call it parliamentary or constitutional—national, state or municipal—that machinery is best which brings most surely to the discussion and conduct of public affairs, and most steadily keeps there, whatever the community has in it that is best, of training, of knowledge and of character. Now, tested by this standard, let us look at the actual working of our existing machinery in the light of our own experience, and that of Mr. . Having, by general agreement, put himself in the front rank of those the country had best qualified for public discussion, Mr. was, thirty years ago, and by mere political chance, elected to the Senate. He was there a single term only. What he accomplished, and the position he won, in that single term, I need not stop to dilate upon. Our being here is a recognition of it, though hard upon five-and-twenty years have since passed away. For myself, however, I will say that, though Mr. represented Missouri and I lived in Massachusetts, I felt myself