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 94 The militarization and coercion of labor has proceeded so far as to lead to a movement of revolt even within these governmental "trade unions" and within the Communist Party itself. The revolt began as a reaction against the extreme violence of the head of the Red Army, Trotzky. We take the following from the friendly New Statesman of London; it is amply supported by Soviet documents:

It is well known that early in 1920 Trotsky made an attempt to militarise industry by transforming a few of the Red armies into labor battalions.

At first these "Labor armies" aroused much hope and were greatly advertised by the Communists as the last word in a reconstruction crusade, but they soon proved an utter failure.

Only 20–24 per cent. of the soldiers actually did any work—and that in a wasteful and grossly unproductive way. The rest were occupied in supplying them and in preserving the military character of the institution.

After a short period of enthusiasm and exaltation, the experiment was recognized as a wasteful delusion, and the Polish attack made an end of it before its folly became too obvious.

Trotsky, however, did not give up the idea of applying military methods to industry. As the Acting Commissar for Transport, in the absence of Krassin, he introduced military discipline on the railways.

Commissars, revolutionary tribunals, political intelligence and supervision replaced ordinary methods of management.

Elections, even of a limited scope and under pressure, which are still tolerated in other unions, were completely abolished, all officers of the Railway Union being appointed by the Chief Commissar.

All this could be tolerated during the war, because the railways were justly considered a part of the war