Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/49

 in making general observations, is confident that the Communist Parties will succeed in applying them in accordance with the circumstances obtaining in the given countries.

Communist Independence.

18. The Executive Committee of the Communist International counts as a primary and fundamental condition, of general application to the Communist Parties of all countries, that every Communist Party which enters into any agreement with parties of the Second or Two-and-a-Half Internationals should retain absolute independence and complete autonomy for the expression of its views and for the criticism of its opponents. Imposing on themselves a discipline of action, it is obligatory that Communists should preserve for themselves, not only up to and after action, but if necessary even during action, the right and possibility of expressing their opinion n the policy of all working-class organisations, without exception. The rejection of this condition is not permissible under any circumstances. While supporting the watchword of the maximum unity of all working-class organisations, Communists, in every practical action taken against the capitalist front, must not on any account refrain from putting forward their views, which are only the logical expression of the defence of the interests of the working class as a whole.

Russian Experience.

19. The Communist International Executive considers it useful to remind ail fraternal parties of the experience of the Russian Bolsheviks, the only party so far which has succeeded in obtaining victory over its bourgeoisie, and taking power into its hands. In the course of the fifteen years which have elapsed since the birth of Bolshevism until its victory over the bourgeoisie (1903–1917), Bolshevism carried on an incessant struggle against reformism, or (what is the same thing) against Menshevism. But, nevertheless, during this period they more than once concluded agreements with the Mensheviks. A formal split with the Mensheviks occurred in the spring of 1905, however, under the influence of the impetuous Labour movement, the Bolsheviks had already organised a United Front with the Mensheviks. A second and final split was formally completed in January, 1912, but between 1905 and 1912 the split was replaced by unity and semi-unity in 1906–7, and again in 1910. These unifications and half-unifications were not only due to the ups and downs of fractional struggles, but also to the direct pressure of wide masses of workers who, newly awakened to active political life, demanded in essence the possibility of seeing by the light of their own experience whether the Menshevik policy was radically divergent from the path of revolution.

Before the new revolutionary revival after the Lena strikes, not long before the beginning of the imperialist war, there was observed among the masses of workers in Russia a specially