Page:Repository of Arts, Series 1, Volume 01, 1809, January-June.djvu/40

28 GENERAL RETROSPECT OF POLITICS, FOR THE YEAR 1808.

the present eventful period of the history of the world, there has been scarcely any year more productive of important occurrences, than the year which has just elapsed. Nothing could have been more gloomy than the prospects of the Continent and of Great Britain at the close of the year 1807. As Austria had shewn herself too weak ever to attempt a diversion, while the common enemy was breaking down the power of Prussia, and humbling Russia, it was impossible for those who wished most ardently for the deliverance of Europe to conceive by what power, or combination of powers, it could hereafter be effected. Prussia appeared not only to have been conquered, but even (as Mr. Burke once said of France) to be blotted out from the list of nations and from the map of Europe. Her great military power was not only taken away from the strength of Europe, but the greater part of her celebrated army was incorporated with the armies of those vassal states, which the common enemy had created for the purpose of forwarding his views to universal empire. The pride of Russia has been completely humbled at the battle of Friedland, and by the disgraceful treaty of Tilsit. The Emperor Alexander convinced the world, that no hopes were to be formed from any thing of firmness or vigour, which had hitherto been supposed to belong to his private character. Before his territories had been invaded, or the energies of his country tried, he accepted such a peace as a sovereign who possessed any portion of the spirit of Peter the Great would not have signed if the French army had been before Petersburgh. By this treaty he agreed to give up Moldavia and Wallachia, which he had conquered from the Turks: he also agreed to give up the mouths of the Cattaro, the Russian forts in Dalmatia, and the island of Corfu; by this means surrendering the claims and views which Russia had so long entertained for the dismemberment of Turkey, to the French Emperor, who had professed to take that country under his high protection. If it was degrading to the sovereign of forty millions of people to purchase security from attack by such great sacrifices, the Emperor Alexander was still more degraded by what he was obliged to take from his conqueror, than in what he gave up. He accepted of a part of the dominions of his ally the King of Prussia; a part which was too small to give any sensible increase to the strength of Russia, but sufficiently large to shew the world that he was no more restrained by any feelings of honour or of principle, than the French Emperor. Having consented to share in the spoils of his ally, he was admitted into Bonaparte’s legion of honour, and consented to receive, as French ambassador, Caulincourt, the murderer of the Duke D'Enghien, a worthy representative of his master. When it is recollected, that the murder of the Duke D'Enghien was the circumstance which first induced the Emperor of Russia to take up arms against France, it is hardly possible to conceive a greater personal humiliation than to be