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Rh Support of Kossuth, by aggressive action or by official declarations aga i nst Austria and Russia, was an impossibility for the country; and an open avowal of sympathy with his opinions and principles was an impossibility for the South or for the Democratic Party.

Henceforward Kossuth’s hopes were limited to pecuniary aid for himself and his family and friends, and to expressions of sympathy for his downtrodden country by individuals, by voluntary associations, and by municipalities. All his speeches after his visit to Washington were laden with one thought, viz., the duty of all free countries to resist the spread of absolutism. Pre-eminently this duty was upon America. “Republican America,” said he, “and all-overwhelming Russian absolutism cannot much longer subsist together on earth. Russia active,—America passive,—there is an immense danger in the fact; it is like the avalanche in the Alps, which the noise of a bird’s wing may move and thrust down with irresistible force, growing every moment.”

He quoted the declaration which the elder Cato made whenever he spoke, whether in private or in public: “However, my opinion is that Carthage must be destroyed.” Imitating the language and spirit of Cato, Kossuth said: “However, the law of nations should be maintained, and absolutism not permitted to become permanent.”

That he exaggerated the scope of what is called the law of nations there can be no doubt. Beyond a few points, such as the recognized rule in regard to piracy, the law of nations is very indefinite, and most certainly it has but little relation, if indeed it can be said justly to have any relation, to what he called “absolutism.” Moreover, it is very doubtful whether any interference by one nation in the affairs of another nation, in whatever considerate way such interference might be presented, could produce aught but evil, in arousing the passions of jealousy and hostility. Had England and the United