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 In futures h < f after χ coalesces with the spirant, e.g. k⅄꞉χə mʹə, ‘I shall wink’; plu꞉χə mʹə, ‘I shall extin&shy;guish’.

χ arises from thgh, thch in LUχærʹ, ‘joy’, M.Ir. luthgáir; αχyɲə, ‘request’, M.Ir. ath&shy;chuinge; du꞉χəs, ‘birth&shy;right’, M.Ir. duthchus.

Donegal has developed a new comparative termination ‑αχə instead of ə which is used with adjec&shy;tives of more than one syllable ending in a vowel, e.g. dælʹiαχə < dælʹi꞉, ‘difficult’; dαlə&shy;bwiαχə < dαləbə, ‘impudent’. The endings ‑ə and ‑αχə occur side by side in other connec&shy;tions, e.g. in the future of verbs and the plural of fem. nouns and ‑αχə is evidently used as a compar&shy;ative ending for the sake of distinc&shy;tion. We find something similar in bʹrʹɛαχə the plural form of bʹrʹɛə, ‘fine’, Meyer bregda.

We have already seen (§ ) that χ easily passes into h, and the converse is true for Donegal in isolated cases. χ for h seems to be frequent in Scotch dialects, cp. ZCP. iv 509. See further Henebry p. 19 (ca shoin). Examples – mo̤χuw, ‘springing of cows’, pret. wo̤χ, cp. Di. moth, ‘the male of any animal’, Cormac moth .i. ball ferda, Stokes-Bezz. *muto- (p. 219), mo̤χəsαn, ‘a springing heifer’, O’R. motach, ‘fruitful’, M.Ir. mothach LL 13b 7 rendered by Hyde ‘fertile’. The χ in LαχərNə ·wα꞉rαχ, ‘to-morrow’ (spelt lá thar na bhárach Cl. S. 22 viii ’03 p. 3 col. 2) can hardly be due to O.Ir. láthe. It is more likely that the prepo&shy;sition hærʹ, O.Ir. tar, has been subst&shy;ituted for iar which is obsolete except in erʹ gu꞉l, ‘back, behind’; ər du꞉s, ‘in front’; erʹ fα꞉lʹ, ‘found’ &c.

gə brα꞉χ, ‘for ever’, can hardly represent co bráth, as th after long vowels dis&shy;appears. bráth may have become bráthach under the influence of əmα꞉rαχ, ‘to-morrow’. The spelling co brach occurs RC. xxiv 371, 373, cp. Manx dy bragh (Rhys’s expla&shy;nation of the latter l.c. p. 129 will not hold good for Donegal).

It should be noted that χ and not ç stands before tʹ. Henebry pp. 55, 35 says that “the group ‑cht is un&shy;affected and always broad. The palatal&shy;ised boicht of O.Ir. and found also in Keatynge was merely a sym&shy;metrical writing”. This is incorrect. The t may not be palatal in Waterford but O’Leary quotes a form with tʹ for Cork and Finck (i 187) gives bøçcə as the gen. sing. fem. of bocht, ‘poor’. I have noted the following forms with ‑χtʹ in Donegal, bɔχtʹ, gen. sing. of bɔχt, ‘poor’; bʹαχtʹi꞉, 2em