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 p. 19. With the different sources of this f we need not trouble ourselves here. Examples—mʹɛ heinʹ, ‘myself, O.Ir. féin but fʹeinʹαχ, ‘selfish’; Nʹi꞉s α꞉r, ‘better’, sa꞉r = is fearr (the h is not heard after s, cp. § ), Manx share but also Nʹi꞉s fʹα꞉r, cp. Pedersen, KZ. xxxv p. 319; Nʹi꞉ ho̤rəst, ‘it is not easy’ but fo̤rəst, Wi. ur-ussa; ɔr̥ælʹ, ‘offertory’, gen. sing. Nə hɔr̥αlə, plur. ɔr̥αlαχə, Di. ofráil, cp. Manx oural; kɔ꞉r̥ə, ‘chest’, Di. cófra. ifʹrʹəN, ‘hell’; αfʹrʹəN, ‘mass’ and fʹiəfri꞉, ‘to ask’, retain f in Donegal but other dialects shew the normal develope&shy;ment, cp. ZCP. v 98 and Chr. Bros. Aids to Irish Pron. p. 15. Cp. Manx fer-oik, ‘officer’, oic < oific, Rhys p. 182.

The f of the future (O.Ir. b, f) has given h which is not heard after voiceless sounds such as p, t, k, s &c. but which unvoices b, g, d, w, r, l, m, n &c. Examples—bo̤guw, ‘to stir’, Di. bogadh, fut. bo̤kə mʹə; bridʹuw, 1. ‘to nudge’, Di. broid&shy;ighim, 2. ‘to smart, ache’, infin. bridʹərNỹ꞉, subst. bridʹərNαχ ‘smarting’, fut. britʹi꞉ ʃə; ʃiəbuw, ‘to sweep away’, Di. siabhadh, Manx sheebey, fut. ʃiəpwi꞉ ʃə; tʹrʹouw, ‘to plough’, M.Ir. trebad, fut. tʹrʹo꞉w̥ə mʹə. As instances of stems ending in a vowel (in the spoken language) Lʹeihə mʹə, ‘I shall read’, infin. Lʹɛuw; Lo꞉hi꞉ < Louw, ‘to rot’; tö̤꞉hə mʹə, te꞉hə mʹə, ‘I shall choose’ < tö̤uw; Nʹi꞉hə mʹə < Nʹi꞉(ə), ‘to wash’. In the condi&shy;tional passive forms with fʹ alternate with forms with h, as vɛ꞉r̥i꞉, vɛ꞉rfʹi꞉ from bʹerʹəm, O.Ir. beirimm; fɔ꞉ky꞉, fɔ꞉kfʹi꞉ from pɔ꞉guw, ‘to kiss’. The future passive in&shy;variably has ‑hər. Apart from the condi&shy;tional passive the f is only preserved in two instances, viz. in the case of the verbs for ‘to run’ and ‘to see’, rαfə mʹə beside riçə mʹə, ‘I shall run’, infin. r⅄ç, rαhi꞉, rαχtælʹ; tʹi꞉fʹə mʹə, ‘I shall see’, M.Ir. 2nd sing. atcífe (Atk.).

The enclitic forms of the verb dʹα꞉nuw, ‘to do’, are peculiar, as they contain forms with h where we should expect j, e.g. Nʹi꞉ hα꞉nəm, ‘I do not do’, interr. dʹα꞉nəm, Nʹi꞉ hα꞉rN, ‘I did not do’, interr. (ə) dʹα꞉rN, fut. jα꞉n̥ə mʹə, ‘I will do’ but neg. Nʹi꞉ hα꞉n̥ə mʹə, interr. ə Nʹα꞉n̥ə mʹə. Dinneen p. 796 says “the Dependent, Perfect, and Future and Condi&shy;tional begin with a t in Ulster”. Cp. Lloyd, Seachrán Chairn tSiadhail p. 150, ní theanaim. The question is how did this state of affairs arise. I suspect that the above forms with h for j may be due to analogy with some of the parts of the verb ‘to go’. The 3rd sing. pres. ind. of this verb is heidʹ, O.Ir. do-téit, to which the perfect is Nʹi꞉ hαχi꞉, interr. dʹαχi꞉, O.Ir. ‑dechuid, with h for j from the present. From these forms the h has been intro&shy;duced