Page:Proposals for the Future of Palestine – July 1946-February 1947, Cmd 7044.djvu/5

 In the long term, the plan leaves the way open for peaceful progress and constitutional development either towards partition, or towards federal unity. The association of representatives of the two Provinces in the administration of central subjects may lead ultimately to a fully developed federal constitution. On the other hand, if the centrifugal forces prove too strong, the way is open towards partition. Our proposals do not prejudge this issue either way. We believe that this plan provides as fair and reasonable a compromise between the claims of Arab and Jew as it is possible to devise, and that it offers the best prospect of reconciling the conflicting interests of the two communities. This, however, must be made clear. The full implementation of the experts’ plan as a whole depends on United States co-operation. I hope that that will be forthcoming. If not, we shall have to reconsider the position, particularly as regards the economic and financial implications, and this is bound to affect the tempo and extent of immigration and development.

These, then, are our proposals. I ask the indulgence of the House for the fact, that I have had to stick closely to my notes in the circumstances in making this speech, because a great deal of this speech was necessarily based upon the recommendations of the expert delegations, and I was exceedingly anxious to be accurate in what I said. It would, in any event be impracticable to enter, at this stage, into greater detail regarding pro­posals which it is intended shall form the basis of discussion with repre­sentatives of the Arabs and Jews whom we have promised an opportunity for consultation before a final decision is reached.

I commend these proposals to the House, and I would urge upon both communities in the Holy Land to give them their most earnest considera­tion. While our consultations are proceeding, I would appeal to all men of good will on either side to co-operate with the Government in suppressing terrorism and in bringing to justice those responsible for crimes of violence. Let nothing be said or done that will render it more difficult to reach a final settlement. The world is weary of this senseless strife of Jew and Arab, and sickened by its barbarous incidents. It calls upon them to end a sordid chapter of history, and join with the civilised nations in building the foundations of a nobler and happier world. Their friends everywhere will anxiously await their verdict. Mere negation, however, does no good and would be particularly dangerous and regrettable in a combustible situation of the kind with which we are dealing. There is a responsibility on both Jews and Arabs to be willing to sit down as practical people to discuss, to negotiate and to talk with a view to reaching a practicable solution, with the expedition and with the sense of urgency which this grave problem demands.

1. The first step would be for the High Commissioner to establish, by nomination and after consultation with the leading Palestinian elements, a Provisional Government consisting of seven Arab and three Jewish Ministers of Palestinian nationality. The legislative and executive powers of the present administration in Palestine would be transferred to the Provisional Govern­ment as soon as it has been appointed. The High Commissioner would retain a power of veto throughout the transition period.

2. Simultaneously, the High Commissioner would initiate the prepara­tion by the Provisional Government of an electoral register on the basis of one stage adult male suffrage. As soon as this register was prepared, the Provisional Government would hold elections for a Constituent Assembly in accordance with an electoral law to be enacted by them. This Constituent Assembly would consist of 60 members. The electoral law should provide for the adequate representation in the Constituent Assembly of all the important sections of citizenry, as defined in paragraph 4 (vi) (a) below, in accordance with their respective numbers.

The representation of Arabs and Jews in the Provisional Government would be without prejudice to the proportions to be determined in the con­stitution for the representation of Arabs and Jews in the Legislative Assembly. The method of election of the Constituent Assembly would similarly be with­out prejudice to the permanent electoral law (see paragraph 5 below).

3. The Provisional Government would prepare and submit to the Con­stituent Assembly a draft constitution for Palestine. If the Constituent Assembly proved unable to reach decision on the terms of the constitution within a period of six months from the date of its opening, the Provisional Government would reconsider their draft in the light of the Assembly's debates, would revise it if necessary, and would then enact it themselves.

4. The Provisional Government in drafting or enacting the constitution, and the Constituent Assembly in debating and voting on it, would be bound by directives issued by the High Commissioner. With the exception of these binding directives, the constitution, as decided by the Constituent Assembly would not be subject to the power of veto by the High Commissioner. These directives would provide for the embodiment in the constitution of the following principles:-

(i) Palestine should be a unitary State.

(ii) It should have a democratic constitution, with an elected legislature.

(iii) The constitution should provide guarantees for the sanctity of the Holy Places, covering inviolability, maintenance, freedom of access and freedom of worship in accordance with the status quo.

(iv) The constitution should guarantee, subject to suitable safeguards, freedom of religious practice in accordance with the status quo throughout Palestine (including the maintenance of separate religious courts for matters of personal status).

(v) The law of naturalisation should provide amongst other conditions that the applicant should be a legal resident of Palestine for a continuous period of ten years before his application.