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518 to say with, reason; for it has sometimes happened that opinions have "been quoted with approval as mine which I had quite forgotten were mine. I therefore wrote, "My belief is that I have not said this in any connection." That is, I am absolutely unconscious of ever having written it, and do not believe I ever did write it. I do not see what more was required. Mr. Greenwood urges that I have not repudiated it even now. It never occurred to me that, after what I said, this was needful. But, as he thinks otherwise, I very willingly repudiate it, both for the past and the present.

Even did I wish to continue my discussion with Prof. Huxley, it would be ended by his letter. From it I learn that the principles of physiology—as at present known—are of no use whatever for guidance in practice; and my argument, therefore, collapses.

To the Editor of "The Times":

It seems to me to be a pity that the discussion which has been carried on in your columns should come to an end before Mr. Laidler's able letter of the 15th instant has been considered on its merits. I conceive it to be a matter of vital importance to the whole nation that the representatives of labor should be under no misapprehension with respect to the grounds of any action they may think fit to take. And as, all my life, I have done my best to bring sound knowledge within reach of the working classes, I trust that they will do me the justice to believe that I am actuated by no other motive now.

Let me say, at the outset, that I have expressed no opinion, and that I do not intend to express any opinion, as to whether State ownership of land is desirable or not. If it can be proved by arguments, having some foundation in practical experience, that the abolition of several ownership in land and the substitution for it of State ownership is essential to the welfare of the people, no one would feel more bound to give practical effect to that demonstration than I.

In Mr. Laidler's letter, however, such arguments are not employed. On the contrary, he adopts the method of Rousseau and his followers, which, consists in making certain assumptions about matters of ethics in the first place, and certain assumptions about matters of history in the second place, and then drawing the obvious conclusion that the assumed facts are in sad disaccordance with the assumed ethical rules. It is a delightfully easy method, and saves all the trouble of going deeply and thoroughly