Page:Popular Science Monthly Volume 14.djvu/404

390 but who will pretend that it is constituted of men capable of comprehending even the rudimental interactions of social forces, much less the far reaching consequences of experimental legislation? A large number of them are illiterate blockheads, who have never seriously studied anything—men who have made money and used it to get office. Many Congressmen are mere practised political bullies and intriguers. Many are shrewd lawyers who know the technicalities of their profession, and but little else. Others are educated men, but in whose education no science of any sort ever entered. And there are a few Congressmen of able minds, who have critically studied the facts and principles relating to human society which should underlie sound legislation. But they are precious few; their chances of getting into Congress are slender, and of remaining there next to impossible—even if their self respect would permit them to wish it. And what chance would really profound men have of influence upon the congressional body? He who speaks of distant results, and the indirect operation of measures, is pooh-poohed as an abstractionist and an impracticable. The statesman is the man of far-sighted forecast, who can act with a reference to remote results; the politician recognizes only that which is direct, immediate, and palpable, such as foolish constituencies can appreciate, and of such is our national Congress mainly made up. If a man of mental grasp and force should undertake to discuss questions of social interest from the scientific point of view, he would not be understood, could not be followed, and would be voted a bore by the majority of mediocrities in the assemblage. Hence the neglect of those remote but often potent consequences of legislation of which short-sighted partisans are apt to take but little account.

An illustration of this is furnished by the long congressional treatment of the subject of "protection." The protective policy has always been defended and urged on the lowest grounds of immediate, palpable, pecuniary advantage, such as unthinking and sordid people can best appreciate. How such legislation will affect this or that business, or operate in this or that locality, has ever been the vital consideration that has obscured all other considerations. What is to be the ultimate outcome of protective legislation in its wide, indirect, subtile influence upon the minds of the people is a question which our national law-makers have not troubled themselves to investigate. Yet agencies that act quietly and take time to develop are often the most momentous at last. Congress has been busy with inquiries as to how tariffs would affect trade and manufactures, but it has had no concern about the habits of thought that the protective system might finally engender among the people. Yet we now begin to be confronted with this serious question. That there is a tendency to the spread of socialistic and communistic doctrines in this country is undeniable; and it is equally certain that the fact inspires grave anxiety on the part of thoughtful and conservative men. Notwithstanding our popular educational system, our numerous colleges, our abundant newspapers and cheap books—unparalleled agencies for the diffusion of intelligence—doctrines are making headway, and are extensively accepted, that threaten the entire subversion of our social fabric. It has not needed much acuteness to connect communistic tendencies with the system of paternal care-taking and protective government which has been growing in strength in this republic for many years. But an English writer of ability on economical questions has lately presented this matter in a way that will command the attention of reflecting people. Prof. Fawcett, who occupies the chair of Political Economy in the University of