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440 polyandry and polygyny, and little developed as is the industry implied by their semi-settled cow-keeping life, furnish evidence: to the men and boys are left all the harder kinds of work, and the wives "do not even step out-of-doors to fetch water or wood, which. . . . is brought to them by one of their husbands;" and this trait goes along with the trait of peacefulness and entire absence of the militant type of social structure. Striking evidence is furnished by another of the Hill-tribes—the Bodo and Dhimáls. We have seen that, among peoples in low stages of culture, these furnish a marked case of non-militancy, absence of the political organization which militancy develops, absence of class-distinctions, and presence of that voluntary exchange of services implied by industrialism; and of them, monogamous as already shown, we read: "The Bodo and Dhimáls use their wives and daughters well; treating them with confidence and kindness. They are free from all out-door work whatever." Take, again, the Dyaks, who, though not without tribal feuds and their consequences, are yet without stable chieftainships and military organization, are predominantly industrial, and have rights of individual property well developed. Though among the varieties of them the customs differ somewhat, yet the general fact is that the heavy out-door work is mainly done by the men, while the women are generally well treated, and have considerable privileges. With their monogamy goes regular courtship, and the girls choose their mates; St. John says of the Sea Dyaks that "husbands and wives appear to pass their lives very agreeably together;" and Rajah Brooke names Mukah as a part of Borneo where the wives close their doors, and will not receive their husbands unless they procure fish. Then, as a marked case of a simple community having relatively high industrial organization, with elective head, representative council, and the other concomitants of the type, and who are described as "industrious, honest, and peace-loving," we have the Pueblos, who, with that monogamy which characterizes their family relations, also show us a remarkably high status of women. For among them not simply is there courtship, and choice exercised by girls; not simply do we read that "no girl is forced to marry against her will, however eligible her parents may consider the match;" but sometimes, according to Bancroft, "the usual order of courtship is reversed; when a girl is disposed to marry she does not wait for a young man to propose to her, but selects one to her own liking and consults her father, who visits the parents of the youth and acquaints them with his daughter's wishes."

On turning from simple societies to compound societies, we find two adjacent ones in Polynesia exhibiting a strong contrast between their social types as militant and industrial, and an equally strong contrast between the positions they respectively give to women: I refer to Feejeeans and Samoans. The Feejeeans show us the militant structure, actions, and sentiments, in extreme forms. Under an