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62 all temporary or partial objects are made to subordinate themselves.

No doubt it is becoming increasingly difficult for statesmen to preserve an unwavering policy, and to hand it on intact to their successors. The constitutional changes which are rapidly passing over all the European States have for their immediate effect the diffusion of broad political interests over classes of society which have hitherto been forced to stand aloof from them, and have imparted a proportionate stimulus to general and popular political education. The result has been that popularly-constituted legislative Assemblies in the different countries have lately, for the first time, insisted on sharing in discussions on the conduct of International relations, and in assuming a large proportion of the responsibility attaching to International acts. These Assemblies are, of course, largely under the direct control, personal and constitutional, of the eminent statesmen who represent the Executive Authority of the day, and who are more or less deeply imbued — so far as party government admits of unity and consistency of purpose — with the spirit of a traditional national policy.

This increasingly familiar habit of publicly criticising and calling in question acts of International policy is conspicuous in the recently acquired attitude toward Foreign Affairs of the English House of Commons. Up to a few years ago it was the almost invariable practice in England for all momentous questions, in which diplomatic relations with other countries were involved, to be discussed mainly in the House of Lords, and there only at such times as the Government of the day deliberately selected, or the two party leaders, each well acquainted from experience with the reasons for caution and reserve, if not secrecy, concurred to approve. Nowadays, not only are the representatives of the Government in the House of Commons as