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 THE RANDALL ?\4MILY IJC)

all-subduing power of the government. When I urged that this all-subduing power must necessarily, if successful, over- ride the constitution, of which we have already observed symptoms, and be drawn without desiring it into despotism, to which end the capital of the country and the army might readily unite for the sake of order, he admitted the proba- bility, but did not much object to it, as he was less inter- ested in the nature of the government than the grandeur and stability of the country.

He was very desirous, however, of maintaining the war in accordance with law. He saw that, whatever might be thought of slavery, it was in accordance with the law, and that it would be impossible to employ the constitution in quelling the violators of it, if we violated it ourselves. He also saw that its persistent violation necessarily led to anarchy, and that this would as necessarily lead to despo- tism. He was also aware that faction was indissolubly united with republican government, that it had been the ruin of old republics and probably would be of this. In one of his last letters to his family during the invasion of Pennsylvania, he utters the heartfelt exclamation, " O that men would forget their parties, and unite in one brother- hood for the good of their country ! "

Upon the appointment of General Meade, he says that he may perhaps be the wished-for man, but is simply unknown, and then exclaims, " O for McClellan ! Why not appoint a commander at once in whom the whole army has confidence ? "

So sensible views, I confess, greatly improved my opinion of his judgment. He could not be expected to have at his age mastered the whole principles of political science, known to so few and violated by so many. I saw in what he did know more knovi^ledge and reflection than I

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