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 But how are the British public (of whom the present writer is one), with neither technical nor official knowledge, to ask for an account to be taken and judgment to be given, it cannot even say by whom? It cannot say how judge and jury are to be appointed. But the British public fulfils an important function by sitting in Court, as audience, watching that justice be done, according to the principles approved by the British people and declared in the Queen's Proclamation of 1858—not indeed saying how it is to be done. They cannot try the issues, but they can suggest—indeed, it might almost be said they can demand—that the issues shall be tried. We are in the attitude of the inquiring public, not in that of disposing of the question. No one can find fault with us for desiring to be led. The author of the 'Spoliation of India' has pointed out many serious evils, and these he attributes not to any individual, but to the system. These allegations ought to be inquired into and decided upon by some competent tribunal. The indictment is brought. What is to be the tribunal? Not the India Council—the British public represented by Government. Let us, the British people—not partisans, but impartial listeners—acquit ourselves of our responsibility to the people of India. Let us consult together how best to perform our duties. It is evident that from want of knowledge and organisation we cannot ourselves carry out the trial.

What is wanted is that account should be taken and judgment given from time to time by a more specially constituted tribunal, whether by Royal Commission or otherwise, presided over by men with a conviction of their responsibility, determined to learn the facts, forming their policy while inquiring into the condition of things.

We have seen the President of a Royal Commission on the Sanitary State of the Army after the Crimean War, Sidney Herbert, making such an inquiry into facts, not opinions; then, when afterwards Secretary of State for War, embodying its decision in an effective policy and administration.

This seems to be the most hopeful method for trying great issues of Indian policy.

What is a Royal Commission? It is the Crown.

The Crown has assumed the direct government of India, and it seems fit and proper that the Crown should take account from time to time, in order to see that the servants of the Queen are fully carrying out the orders laid down for their guidance.

The members of such a commission would be public men of the highest standing and reputation, such as would be suited to hold the office of Viceroy, or Governor of a Presidency, or Finance Minister of India—such men as, e.g., it might be Lord Dufferin or Mr. Goschen—such men as sit in the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.