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 348 and none of us will care. They have lost a topic for declamation; but Europe and America seem likely to yield others. If they want a type of the rebel and the beggar, they must henceforth look elsewhere than to Ireland.

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seems as if we were never to solve the problem of justice to New Zealand. Based upon a wrong principle originated by the missionary body, and by their influence brought to bear upon the Colonial Office, we have been endeavouring to accomplish an impossibility—to inhabit, cultivate, and reclaim a country in which the native race are to be left a distinct people, and to live under British rule, and yet remain upon amicable terms with the original race who are free from such rule.

The first missionaries, finding the Maori a docile, intelligent people, ready to embrace Christianity, give up their land for a fair price, and trade with the new-comers, rejoiced in the fact that they had discovered a spot far removed from opposing influence, where they could experiment at will, preach, convert, and govern to their hearts’ content—a model-farm from which at given periods clothed and Scripture-quoting natives could be sent home to excite sympathy and draw subscriptions at Exeter Hall, &c.

Into this hot-bed of missionary handiwork the intrusion of such a body as that of the Joint-Stock Company of New Zealand emigrants was looked upon with horror. Deputations of churchmen hastened to the Colonial Office, denouncing the colonists as invaders and exterminators. Unfortunately, the company had acted without government sanction, concluding that when their good intentions became known they would readily obtain the government charter; and this, no doubt, would have been the case had not the opposite interest been so strong at the moment. A governor was hastily appointed, and Captain Hobson, R.N., chosen to fill the responsible office. Subsequent to his arrival, a meeting of the natives inhabiting that portion now known as Auckland was convened, a treaty drawn up and presented to them for signature, the purport of this treaty being that these men, as representatives of the whole body of natives, ceded the sovereignty of their country to the British crown, with the sole right of land-purchase. To this latter clause the chiefs objected, insisting upon their right to sell to the highest bidder. After much discussion, an alteration was granted, verbally, but not inserted in the document, which was duly signed. It is this treaty which has been most improperly styled the Magna Charta of New Zealand—a treaty which, at the outset, involved a breach of faith.

The first effect of this document was to render null and void all purchases effected by the “Joint-Stock” Company, whose agent, Colonel Wakefield, had already founded the provinces of Wellington and Nelson, comprising the country bordering Cook’s Straits. Feeling the instability of the company acting as it did, independently of government sanction, Colonel Wakefield took every means in his power to investigate the native claims, and obtained a large tract of country at a price which, though in the eyes of the present generation a mere absurdity, was at the time, and in accordance with the nature of the inhabitants, deemed equivalent. When intelligence of this reached the North, agents were immediately despatched to obtain the signatures of the local chiefs; nor was this done openly, but so secretly, that it only came to the ears of Colonel Wakefield by accident, a chief telling him “his Queen had sent him a blanket for making his marks on paper.”

Many of the missionaries were good and praiseworthy men, who acted in accordance with their noble calling; but there were others, and unfortunately the majority, who, forming a party, have in our opinion been the most determined opponents the emigrant has had to deal with, and who, while appropriating large tracts themselves, did everything to prevent the same privilege being extended to experienced men who came out prepared to make the colony their home, and transplant a veritable offshoot from their dear old land.

The cause of each subsequent disturbance that has agitated the colony may be traced to this foundation. Tribal rights have never been clearly defined: difficult they are, no doubt; but the first act of the existing government should have been to elucidate this, and establish a rule which should be incontrovertible.

During the governorship of Colonel Gore Brown, a certain league was permitted to expand itself, since known as the King’s movement, at the time consisting of such opposing ingredients, and presenting no apparent dissatisfaction to government, that it was even hoped it might lead to the elevation of the social interests and native progression. But although such an opinion was held by the clerical, and consequently the government party, the very reverse was feared and expressed by the colonists, who saw in the league germs of future trouble and anarchy.

The two elements upon which the partisans of the league hang were these: the assertion of their rights to be ruled by a king of their own nation, who should, they said, reign conjointly with Queen Victoria, and the prevention of land-sales. Taking a retrospective view of the progress and history of the colony, it certainly appears a most suicidal act upon the part of government not to have crushed such a power in the bud, yet so it has been. The Maories were petted and pampered as a wronged people, and allowed to play at having king. The result has verified the prophecies of the colonists, who have been lately most unjustly charged by members of the Church party, with fostering the very movement they alone condemned; it has been asserted that they desire the extermination of the native race, than which nothing could be more opposite to their feelings and even self-interest. It is the colonist who would gladly throw down the barrier, kept up by the clergy, and treat the Maori as a brother-subject of a glorious constitution, and this is what the Protection Society so vehemently oppose. The Maori would then be absorbed in the flood of