Page:Once a Week Dec 1860 to June 61.pdf/375



364 the reality of authority. The corresponding bodies under the Second Empire are almost equally powerless, although they are invited to canvass and challenge the acts of the Emperor and his Ministers with all the freedom of an English Opposition. When we find Orleanists, Republicans, Legitimists chanting in concert the praises of the Pope, of the ex-King of the Two Sicilies, of the Emperor of Austria, of the ex-Duke of Modena, are we to infer that they represent the real feelings and opinions of the French nation stamped awhile under foot, and repressed by military violence? Or, would it be the better opinion—that Louis Napoleon is so very confident that these gentlemen do not represent the views of French society in the year 1861, that he is holding them up, or rather permitting them to hold themselves up as a spectacle to the country—being fully aware all the time of what the result of such an exposure must be?

It would be tedious to our readers, and unnecessary in the pages of this publication to make any more particular mention of the speeches which have been delivered in Paris for some time past. M. Pichou’s furious philippic of Thursday last was the culminating effort of this remarkable series of orations. What may be the effect of them in France it would be premature to say, but at least thus much is true, that the Opposition speakers have done more to reconcile opinion on our side of the Channel to the government of the Emperor, than he himself could have accomplished in ten years of cordial efforts to secure our good-will. If France looks upon his government as a bulwark against anarchy and revolution, we on our side may very frankly declare, that if Louis Napoleon stands between us and the violence of French politicians, who seem only to be unanimous in the point of detesting England and things English, we may be content to wish him many long years of life and prosperity. The French Chambers do not seem to be one step further forward in statesmanship and common-sense than they were in those days when they were about to rush into war with us about a trumpery squabble at Tahiti, which might have been settled in an hour before any court of justice in any country. The cry of philosophical and religious France is still “Hatred of England,” and for alliance with the military and spiritual despotisms which affect the world.

The Army Estimates, which were brought under the notice of the House of Commons by Mr. T. G. Baring, are in themselves a sufficient proof that the statesmen who are charged with the responsibilities of the Empire, do not think that the moment has arrived for relaxing their vigilance, or omitting any measure of precaution. Mr. Baring asked the other night for about 15,000,000l. of money, and the Navy Estimates may be calculated at about a corresponding sum. Thirty millions sterling a-year for our Military and Naval establishments, and this at a time when, with the insignificant exception of hostilities at the Antipodes with some of the native tribes of New Zealand, the Empire is at peace—surely the sum is enormous! Thirty millions the annual amount we expend in insurance for our ships, and houses, and homes! Still the opinion of the vast majority of the country is, that we have not a man too many under arms, and, as far as our vessels of war are concerned, that we are but making a rush to recover a position which we must maintain or run the risk of losing our position, as a nation, amongst the nations of the world. It is no wonder if the members of the Lower House, who are specially charged with the responsibilities of the purse, display a morbid desire to appoint Select Committee after Select Committee to inquire into the details of this appalling expenditure! Can we not arrive at an equal degree of security, but at a lesser cost? The mistake of the Financial Reformers, or, let us say, of the Peace Party, has been, that they have founded their crusade upon a misapprehension. It is not true that the subjects of the British Queen believe that the Millennium is yet here;—it is not true that they wish to denude themselves of the means of resistance to foreign aggression, or to give up their place at the council board of the world. It is true that they believe that all these important objects can be carried out at a less cost. He will be the true Financial Reformer who can best show us how to pare down a few millions from this sum total without impairing our means of defence or detracting from our national security.

The intelligence from the United States received towards the latter end of was not very satisfactory. Abraham Lincoln had arrived at Washington, and was about to enter upon his term of office. We must not attach too much importance to the formal expressions of his expectations that ere long the “misunderstanding” which was at present dividing the great North American Confederation into two camps might be removed. There seems little reason to doubt that the leaders of the Southern States are acting upon a settled plan, which has long been matured. It is not probable that they will yield, save to superior force; and the question is, whether the new President—the occasion arising—will be prepared to apply that force in the proper quarter? We are not yet rightly informed what the action of the Border States will be. Therein, if they take part with the President, lies the last hope of a peaceful compromise. Should they go the other way, hostilities seem well-nigh unavoidable. This is the sorriest spectacle which the Liberals of Europe have seen for many a long day. With all their faults of omission and commission, the States were still the only great community which gave the world a proof that human beings could live together in peace and prosperity without the repressive agencies of the old world to keep them in order. Alas! that so fair a prospect is dimmed and spoiled! This will be an eternal regret to every man now living on the earth’s surface who respects the dignity of human nature, and who esteems the freedom of the human spirit from spiritual and intellectual police as the greatest gain which successive generations have won in the course of four thousand years.

The death of H. R. H. the Duchess of Kent, on Saturday last, though an event of little political significance, has not failed to awaken in the national mind a general feeling of sympathy with the loss sustained by our Queen.