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Session has scarcely begun, and yet in the speech delivered by Lord John Russell at the beginning of we have a very satisfactory exposition of the views of the British Ministry with regard to foreign affairs. Now foreign affairs, and various measures of legal reform—mainly those connected with the criminal and the bankruptcy code—are the legitimate business of the present session of the British Parliament. When all has been said and done that can be said and done upon these subjects during the hundred and twenty evenings of which a session consists, there will always be a vast amount of business which yet enlists no warm political sympathies, and arouses no great share of political excitement, but which requires time in order that it may be thoroughly performed. As long, too, as a popular assembly retains its character, a certain period of its sittings must always be devoted to the discussion of merely personal questions, for its members are not machines, but men with feelings and passions which will occasionally lead them astray. Happy will it be for us if, when the 12th of August arrives, the two Houses have really got through a considerable amount of practical business, and during the course of their session have served as apt exponents of the views and opinions of the British people upon the many mighty questions which are at the present moment agitating the minds of the Continental nations. Happier, still, will it be if such expression of opinion serves in any material way to preserve the peace of Europe.

The one great omission in the Royal Speech, and in the programme of the Ministry, appears to be that of all question of Reform in our parliamentary institutions. Is this question of Reform, therefore, abandoned, because it is adjourned?—or because the present Ministers have arrived at the conclusion that in the actual temper of the Houses and of the country, it cannot be dealt with by any large and comprehensive bill? Surely not. Lord Derby, unwillingly enough, brought in a very bad bill, but, bad as it was, it was at least a proof of how far he and his party were willing to go. Lord John Russell, again, brought in a bill which did not satisfy anybody. That bill was the measure of the intentions of the Whigs and Ministerialists upon the subject of Reform. Mr. Bright brought a scheme under the notice of the constituencies; but, as it turned out, the constituencies regarded it with such indifference, that it was not thought worth while to bring it under the serious consideration of the House. What is to be done? Conservatives, Ministerial Liberals, and Radicals, have each in turn endeavoured to deal with the question, but the endeavours have invariably proved failures. It is undeniable that throughout the country there exists an apathy upon this matter which it is impossible to stimulate into action, or to overcome by the ordinary machinery of political agitation.

One of two inferences must be the correct one. Either this question must be left to a more convenient season, or it must be handled in some manner upon which our statesmen have not yet hit. Possibly piecemeal legislation and a Consolidation Bill at a distant period, may furnish a proper solution of the question. Possibly, when the ferment of men’s minds with regard to foreign affairs is at an end, and they have time and opportunity to turn their thoughts once more to the consideration of domestic affairs, they may be more inclined than they seem just now to compel the statesmen of this country to sink their differences, and arrive at a fresh and comprehensive settlement of a question which, however frequently it may be settled, must always remain an open one, amongst a free people.

As long as the Whigs remain in power, and until they see that their power is seriously threatened by an adjournment of the question, it may now be considered as put aside. On the other hand, it must be remembered that the public announcement in Parliament, from the lips of Lord John Russell, that he and his colleagues have determined to abandon it for a time, has weakened their hold upon the support—such as it was—of Mr. Bright and the extreme Radicals. Again, since the Whigs have declared thus openly their intention to give up their Reform Bill, the great obstacle which impeded the return to power of Lord Derby and his followers is removed.

What is to happen in Continental Europe during the next six months? That is the question which is uppermost in the thoughts of us all at the present moment. Lord John Russell this day week, in answer to a question from Mr. Fitzgerald, gave it as his own opinion that, despite of the warlike rumours which reach our ears from all sides, the peace of Europe may yet be preserved. It is to be presumed that this expression of opinion represents the views of his colleagues; but at the same time it may be remarked that the speech delivered by the French Emperor on the opening of the Chambers the other day was not very encouraging. No words spoken by him, it may he, could have restored confidence to Europe, for his words and his acts have too often been at variance. A suggestion, indeed, for the reduction of the military and maritime forces of France, had it been carried out in act, would have been acceptable enough, and might have afforded substantial grounds for belief in his sincerity. No such suggestion was made; but on the contrary, it is notorious that he is pressing on the construction of a war-fleet, with all expedition—that he is laying up vast quantities of warlike stores—that he is putting his land forces upon a war-footing, and even calling out his reserves. It is asserted in political circles, that the protest of the sixty members delivered the other day to Lord Palmerston, and pointing out the necessity for a reduction in our expenditure, was made public just in time to give a more warlike colour to the phrases of the French Emperor’s speech. it encouraged him to calculate upon our internal divisions; for if the British nation is not determined collectively—that is to say, with the exception of an inconsiderable minority—to maintain the forces of the country at such a point of efficiency as may enable us at any time to make our authority felt in the discussion of European affairs, Louis Napoleon is not the man to respect our protests or our