Page:On the motion of Sir George Strickland; for the abolition of the negro apprenticeship.djvu/64

56 "I have supposed that you will get committees to investigate the question, whether the contract has not been virtually dissolved hy the misconduct of the planters. That I am persuaded you will never do. I am utterly deceived if you find a hundred men in either house who will vote even for inquiring whether the apprenticeship ought to be abolished. With these views, I venture to pronounce our failure to he certain, if we emhark in the attempt 'to secure entire freedom to the negroes in 1838.'"

Mr. Buxton proceeds to mention,

1. The emancipation of the non-prædials in 1838. Of this he says with truth and force,—

"Without exposing ourselves to the charge of endeavouring to break faith y or violate the contract, we might with irresistible force demand that this part of the bargain shall be carried into execution."

2. Negro education.

3. Entire freedom after 1st August, 1840.

He resumes, and says,—

"I submit, then, whether it would not be better to attempt the great and practical measures to which I have alluded, than to introduce a topic which, besides failing of any beneficial effect, will divert the attention of Parliament from measures which involve no violation of principle, are in unison with the act abolishing slavery, and would prove, if carried, of incalculable benefit to the negro.

"Another consideration has great weight with me. It is said there is danger of tumult in the West Indies when the period arrives for the emancipation of the non-prædials. If the negroes learn that their friends in England are making a mighty effort for the abolition of the apprenticeship, they will naturally anticipate success; and their disappointment will be deplorable, and their excitement dangerous, when they learn that the hopes, in which they have been taught to indulge so confidently, have not been realised. Anything like tumult would he laid hold of by our opponents in the West Indies; dreadful punishments would be inflicted; and the very disturbance would be construed into an argument for some restrictions upon their future liberty. I cannot think that we should be justified in exciting hopes which must prove fallacious.