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 The first part of this reasoning is only a paraphrase of the previous argument, which argument gains nothing in force or persuasive powers because of the expression of confusion and fear of the bourgeoisie, by pessimism about the workers and optimism about the bourgeoisie. If Cadets and Cossacks affirm that they will fight to the end against the Bolsheviks, no one dreams of doubting their word for a moment; but if, in hundreds of meetings, workmen and soldiers express absolute confidence in the Bolsheviks and repeat that they are ready to fight to secure power for the soviets, people think it their duty to point out that voting and fighting are quite different things.

It is obvious that by reasoning thus, the insurrection is condemned beforehand. But it is difficult to see how this one-sided pessimism differs from open adoption of the bourgeois platform.

Consider the facts. Recall the countless declarations of the Bolsheviks, completely "forgotten" by these pessimists of ours. We are not weary of repeating that the soviets of workmen's and peasants' representatives are a force, are the vanguard of the revolution and that they can seize power. Thousands of times we have reproached the Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries for their incessant output of sonorous phrases about "the plenipotentiary organs of democracy"; and for their fear of the soviets seizing power.

What did the Kornilov insurrection show? That the soviets are indeed a force.

And yet, after this impressive demonstration, we shall repudiate Bolshevism, deny our own principles, and say that we are not strong enough (though the soviets of both capitals and the majority of the provincial soviets are Bolshevik)! Are not such procrastinations shameful? In a word, our pessimists, without daring to say so, do nothing less than reject the resolution: "All Power to the Soviets!"

How can it be proved that the bourgeoisie is not strong enough to overturn the Constituent Assembly?

If the bourgeoisie is not strong enough to break up the soviets, it is sufficiently strong to overturn the Constituent Assembly, for there is no one to prevent it. To believe the promises of Kerensky, and his friends, to believe the resolutions of the Pre-parliament