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 rous partizans, to assure you of support in your attack of the Catholics and Protestants.

In fine, since you have a clear consciousness of the power, the fecundity, the irresistibility of your system, you ought immediately to constitute it into a doctrine, without any previous precaution, and without any fear of seeing its propagation prevented by some political obstacle, or some important refutation.

You say, "Society ought to be organized upon the principle of Christian morality; all classes ought to concur, with all their power, to effect the moral and physical regeneration of the condition of individuals composing the most numerous class; all social institutions ought to concur in the most energetic and direct manner possible to effect this great religious end.

"In the present state of intelligence and civilization, no political right ought any longer to present itself, as derived from the law of the strongest, for the profit of individuals, or from the right of conquest in respect to the masses; royalty is no longer legitimate, unless kings employ their power to make the rich instrumental in promoting the amelioration of the moral and physical existence of the poor."

What obstacles can such a doctrine encounter? Are not those who are interested in advocating it infinitely more numerous than those who are interested in preventing its adoption? The partizans of this doctrine are supported by the principle of divine morality; whilst its adversaries have no other arms to oppose it than habits contracted at an epoch of ignorance and barbarity, supported by principles of jesuitical egotism.

Upon the whole, I think that you ought to propagate your doctrine immediately, and prepare missions to cause its adoption amongst all civilised nations.

Inn. The New Christians ought to develop the same character, and to follow the same track, as the Christians of the primitive church. They ought only to employ this power of intelligence in the propagation of their doctrine. It is only with persuasion and