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 was egregiously wrong, for I had discovered a fact which had I known it in time would have rendered any other answer unnecessary. When I was preparing my hasty defence I sent a number of queries to the Surveyor-General, such as—Who made the survey? Can the original plan be produced? What was the date of the survey? Who engraved the plans? and so forth. On the answers to these questions my defence was founded, but when I had more leisure I discovered that one of the queries—the one demanding the date of the survey—had not been answered. I peremptorily required an answer, and when it reached me I found that the survey had been made, and the reservation of the frontages omitted, before I came into office, under the ministry of Mr. Brooke. Though a generation has since elapsed the records of the Survey Office remain, and whoever is my successor as President of the Board of Land and Works when this narrative reaches Melbourne will have the proofs under his hand.

After this episode I took up the land question promptly. At the close of the session of arduous labour a measure of large scope, and dealing with all the interests at stake became law, and is known in local annals as the Duffy Land Act. Before it came into operation, I issued a Guide to it which had an enormous sale, in four editions—one issued by the Government, two by ordinary publishers with my sanction, and one reprinted in London. What I designed to accomplish, and the measures I took to effect the object in view, I may borrow in a very slight précis, from that pamphlet:—

The main object of the law was to give increased facilities for the settlement of the industrious classes on the public estate. For myself my design was to make the possession of land as nearly universal as possible, to counterpoise the fact that political power was absolutely universal, and to give a healthy and pleasant pursuit to the large class of diggers