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380 hwde is not used for ‘take’ generally, but is an exclamation accompanying an offer, cf. Gwell un hwde no deu aẟaw 968 ‘better one “take this” than two promises’; hence possibly hw for *hwy § 78 ii < *s(u̯)oi ‘for (thy) self’ the reflexive *su̯e- being used orig. for all persons. In that case ‑dy or ‑de is the ordinary affixed pron. (= B.B. ‑de, § 160 iv (3), used because hw was taken for a verb), or is perhaps voc.; hwdy dī́ then is *hw dydī́. The S.W. hwre is late, M.Ỻ. ii 108 (not by him, see do. 319).

moes < *moi estō(d) § 75 ii (2) ‘be it to me’, i.e. ‘let me have it’; cf. est mihi ‘I have’. If so, i mi ‘to me’ after it is redundant; but its frequent omission makes this probable.

i. The pres. stem of the W. verb, from which in regular verbs the aor. and subj. stems can be regularly deduced, may be called the stem of the verb. It is found by dropping the ‑af of the 1st sg. pres. ind. The ending ‑af, as we have seen, comes from Brit. *‑ame for unaccented *‑āmi, which is sometimes original, and represents Ar. *‑ā‑mi or *‑ō‑mi; but ‑af was often substituted for ‑if < Brit. *‑ī‑me < Ar. *‑ē‑mi, and for the affection caused by Brit. *‑ū < Ar. *‑ō, the ending in thematic verbs. The W. verbal stem represents—

F-grade of √, as in cymer‑af 'I take', ad‑fer‑af 'I restore', √bher‑: Lat. fero, Gk. 🇬🇷. So rhed‑af ‘I run’, gwared‑af ‘I succour’, eh‑ed‑af ‘I fly’, etc.

F°-grade of √, as in gw̯an‑af ‘I wound’ < *gw̯on‑, Ir. gonim, √g$u̯$hen‑: Gk. 🇬🇷. So pob‑af ‘I bake’, a‑gor‑af ‘I open’ § 99 vi, etc.

R-grade of √, as in dyg‑af ‘I bring’ < *duk‑ § 182 ii (2); also V‑grade, as in co‑sp‑af ‘I punish’, Ir. co‑sc‑aim < *con‑sq$u̯$- (‘talk with’), √seq$u̯$- ‘say’. (Though in rho‑dd‑af ‘I give’ the dd appears to be V‑grade of √dō‑, in reality ‑ddaf represents Ar. *‑dō‑mi with F‑grade, as in Gk. 🇬🇷.)

R-grade of √ with n‑infix, as in gann‑af ‘I am contained’ <*ꬶhn̥d- § 173 iv (1), √ꬶhed‑: E. get; and in gwnn ‘I know’ < *u̯ind‑, √u̯eid- § 191 iii (1).—W. prynaf ‘I buy’ < *q$u̯$rinā‑mi, √q$u̯$rei̯ā‑ § 179 iii (1). The infix comes before the last cons. of the root, and is syllabic (‑ne‑) before a sonant; the last cons, in *q$u̯$reiā‑ is ə̯ (ā = aə̯), and before ə the syllable is ‑na- § 63 v (2), hence *q$u̯$rinā‑; cf. Gk. Dor. 🇬🇷, √demā‑.

R-grade of √ + i̯, as in seini̯‑af ‘I sound’ < *stₑn‑i̯‑, √sten‑; sain ‘a sound’ is an old v.n., cf. darstain ‘to resound’ § 156 i (13).

V-grade of √ + *íi̯ > W. ‑yẟ‑, as in b‑yẟ‑af § 189 iv (1); and gweinyẟ‑af 1244 ‘I serve’, 3rd sg. gweinyẟ do. 1238, gweinyẟa