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§ 193 ethyw 104, dothwyf  459, doẟwyf do. 20, doẟyw do. 457, doẟywch, doẟym do. 475, ethynt 205, but tends in later  to be replaced by the first perf.; thus dothwyf  459 appears as deuthum in  105; doẟyw  473 as doeth in  105. D.G. and his contemporaries continued its use in poetry; afterwards it became obsolete: deddyw D.G. 4, ethyw (misspelt eithiw, euthyw) I.G. 312;
 * Lliw dydd a ddaw lle doddyw;
 * Llewych haul ar y lluwch yw. D.G. 321.

‘Daylight comes where she has come; she is sunshine on the snowdrift.’ It was at this period, when the form was already an artificial survival, that it first appears for gwnaf: gwneddwyf D.G. 115, gwneddwyd do. 102, gwneddyw do. 429, gwneẟyw I.C. 1286. These imitations were shortlived.

Both the first perf. in ‑th‑um and the second perf. in ‑wyf are probably original for af only. The older perfects of the other verbs are:

gwnaf: sg. 1. gorugum 226–9; sg. 2. gorugost 192; pl. 1. gorugam, 3. gorugant 227, 226; sg. 3. goruc of extremely frequent occurrence, goreu surviving in poetry, 43, M. . 2a, E.S.  i 349a, guoreu  35, 38; impers. gorucpwyt. 452 (= gwnaethpwyt 100),  454,  101.

deuaf: sg. 2. dyvuost 458 (= doethost  104); sg. 3. dyvu 457 (= doeth  104), dybu M. . 1b, 2a; pl. 3. dybuant  6,  1405, G.B. do. 1192.

In Ml. W. the plup. of all three verbs was formed by means of ‑oeẟwn; as doethoeẟ Ỻ.A. 17 ‘had come’, athoeẟ 13, aẟoeẟ do. 15 ‘had gone’, gwnaethoeẟ do. 30, gvnathoeẟ do. 440, gwnathoeẟwn 198, gwnathoeẟut do. 274; dothoeẟ 200, dathoeẟ do. 197. These forms are rare in Mn. W.: rhy-wnaethoeẟ D.G. 509. The Mn. plup. is a new formation made, as in regular verbs, by adding impf. endings to the perf. stem: gwnaethwn Ezec. xxxi 9, daethwn Matt. xxv 27, aethai Luc viii 2, etc. D. also gives elswn etc.; this formation is used for gwnaf in the Bible: gwnelswn 1 Chron. xxiii 5, gwnelsei 2 Chron. xxi 6.

—(1) The subjunct. stems are el‑, gw̯nel- and del‑; as elwyf 457, delwyf  131, elych, delych do. 237, gwnelych 456, delhich  84, gwneloch  475, elont  34, elwynt  2; elhut  56, delhei do. 96; elher do. 33.

The peculiarity of the pres. subj. with these stems is that the 3rd sg. lacks the usual ending ‑o (or ‑wy); thus a phan el ef … yny el ef 22 ‘and when he goes … until he goes’, val nat el neb do. 49 ‘so that no one may go’, Y kyn a el, hwnnw a orẟir 1063 ‘the chisel that will go, that [is the one] that is hammered’, Guledic … a’n gunel in r̔it (i ≡ y, t ≡ ẟ)  40 ‘may the Lord make us free’, y dit y del paup do. 41 ‘the day when each will come’. So in Mn. W.; thus, expressing a wish: Dêl i’th fryd dalu i’th frawd D.G. 34 ‘may it come to thy mind to repay thy brother’, cf. 341;