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§ 180 implies a Kelt. **ésmesi, a confusion of pres. *smesi and fut. *ésomesi. The W. 2nd pl. ych is, as usual, a new form made to match.

As byẟaf used for the fut., wyf has lost its fut. meaning except in certain idioms, as yr wyfyno yfory ' I shall be there to-morrow '.

—i. As above intimated, § 171 ii (2), the W. impf. comes from the Ar. optative. This was formed by means of a suffix *‑ii̯ē‑, *‑i̯ē- with secondary endings.

(1) In athematic verbs the suffix *‑i̯ē- was F-grade and accented in the sg.; the preceding vowel had R- or V-grade; thus 3rd sg. Gk, 🇬🇷 < *dhi-dhe-i̯ēt (ei̯ R$1e$ of ēi̯), Skr. dadhyā́t < *dhe-dh‑i̯ḗt, the Skr. pre&shy;serving the original accentu&shy;ation.

In Kelt. the ē became ī, so that the forms would be *‑a-i̯ī́t, *‑e‑i̯ī́t; these were levelled as *‑i‑i̯ī́t in Brit. and this gives ‑ai, § 75 iv, v (2); thus Kelt. *kara-i̯ī́t > W. carai ‘would love’. This form would also result from the 1st and 2nd sg. forms *‑a-i̯ēm, *‑a-i̯ēs; hence the endings for those persons were selected from thematic verbs.

The consonant stem *es‑ ‘be’ gave Ar. *s‑(i)i̯ē‑t, which gives Skr. siyā́t or syā́t, O. Lat. siet; in Kelt. it would be *sii̯ī́t. Coming generally after a preverb, or after its comple&shy;ment, it was un&shy;accented; and *´siiīt gives regularly W. (h)oeẟ ‘would be, was’ § 75 iv (2); the h- is seen in yttoeẟ < *yd-hoeẟ < *íta sii̯īt ‘there would be’ § 219 ii. The whole tense oeẟwn etc. was built from the 3rd sg.

(1) In thematic verbs the suffix ‑i̯ē‑ had its V-grade ‑i̯‑, which formed a diphthong with the thematic vowel, which was always ‑o‑; thus the optative of *bhérō ‘I bear’ was sg. 1. *bhéroi̯‑m̥ > Skr. bháreyam (for *bharayam). In Kelt. it would be *béroi̯‑m̥ > Brit. *béroi-an(n) > W. *cy-merw͡y‑n > cymerwn. The only possible expla&shy;nation of ‑wn is that it is for *‑w͡yn, see § 78 i (2); on *oi > w͡y § 75 ii (2); on the retention of ‑n § 113 i (1).

The W. 2nd sg. ‑ud comes regularly from the 2nd sg. middle *‑oi-thēs. The ending *‑thēs (: Skr. ‑thāḥ) is represent&shy;ed in the ‑the‑r of Ir. deponents; and ‑ud spread from deponent to all verbs in W. because it was distinc&shy;tive.

(1) In athematic verbs, in the middle voice where the ending was syllabic, the suff. became R-grade *‑i̯ə‑; this coming before the accent remains as ‑i̯a‑; thus in the deponent verb gwnn ‘I know’ the 3rd sg. impf. is gwyẟi̯ad for *gwẟi̯ad regularly represent&shy;ing the 3rd sg. opt. mid. *u̯id-i̯ə-tó.

In long-vowel stems the reduced stem-ending and suffix would thus be *ə-i̯ə; by § 63 vii (5) this should give *ii̯ə > ‑ī‑, which is the usual form (though other reduc&shy;tions are possible), as in Skr. da-dī-tá < *de-dī-to, √dō‑. Thus the 3rd sg. opt. mid. of Kelt. *karā-mi would be *kar-ī-tó, which gives regularly W. cerid, the impers. of the imperf. ind. This middle was un&shy;doubted&shy;ly a passive in Kelt., and was assimi&shy;lated in its use to the impers. pres. in ‑r after the ‑r form for this tense, namely *‑ir, had gone out of use owing to its clashing with the pres.