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332 certainly accords with the fact that the augment, an accented preverb, is always followed by forms with secondary endings.

The Ar. athematic stems, excepting those of a few common verbs, ended mostly in the long vowels ‑ā‑, ‑ē‑, ‑ō‑. As medial ‑ō- became ‑ā‑, and ‑ē‑ became ‑ī‑ in Kelt., these charac&shy;teristics were reduced to two, ‑ā- and ‑ī‑. The vowel had F-grade in the sg., R-grade in the pl., as in Gk. 🇬🇷 < *sí-sthā-mi, pl. 2. 🇬🇷 < *sí-sthə-the. The Kelt, forms of the 1st sg. pres. were therefore *‑ā-mi, *‑ī-mi. As the form was mostly un&shy;accented, and un&shy;accented ‑ā- > Brit, ‑a- § 74, the prevail&shy;ing Brit, forms were *‑a-me, *‑ī-me. These give the W. ‑af, -if, the latter com&shy;parative&shy;ly rare, § 173 ii, and now obsolete. Examples: (1) Ar. *dí-dō-mi ‘I give’ > Kelt. *(p)ró (di‑)dā-mi > Brit. *ró-da-me > W. rhoẟaf ‘I give’;—(2) Ar. *dhí-dhē-mi ‘I put’ > Kelt. *(p)ró (di‑)dī-mi > Brit. *ró-dī-me, which would give W. *rhoẟif ‘I put’. But the latter ending was rare, and was supplant&shy;ed by ‑af, the result being, in this case, that two verbs became one: rhoẟaf ‘I give, I put’. The re&shy;duplicat&shy;ing syllable was probably lost by haplology. Only the vowel of the syllable dropped in dodaf ‘I give, I put’ < *dó-tāme or *dó-tīme < *dó d(i)-dōmi or *dó dh(i)-dhēmi: Gk. 🇬🇷 or 🇬🇷. Usually dodaf is ‘I put’; for dod ‘give’ see Ps. lxxii 1, Gr.O. 87.

(1) The accented forms of the 3rd sg. *‑ā́-ti, *‑ī-ti give the W. strong forms ‑awd, ‑id. These are used at the head of the sentence, like accented verbs in Skr. The intro&shy;duction of ‑h- before the ending in Ml. W., where not etymo&shy;logical as in trenghit (ngh < ŋk), is ana&shy;logical, and partly arti&shy;ficial. The second form tended to oust the first in this case, as seen in O.W. prinit ‘buys’ for *prinaut < Brit. *prinā́-ti: Ir. cren(a)id; see § 201 i (4). The ‑id form with the initial of the affixed pron. fo, thus *‑id‑f, gave *‑it‑ff and then ‑iff, the dial. ending, by loss of the t as in the 2nd pl., see § vii. The West Gwyn. ‑ith has recent th for ff.

Ml. W. ‑yd in ëyt, § 173 vi (1), is from *‑etī < *‑e‑tai the middle 3rd sg. ending: Gk. 🇬🇷; see § 193 x (1).

But the usual form of the 3rd sg. in W. is the stem without or with vowel affection; this comes from the un&shy;accented injunc&shy;tive form; thus câr loves < Brit. *kara‑t; rhydd ‘puts’ < Brit. *ró-dī‑t. The latter, being more dis&shy;tinctive, spread; thus rhydd ‘gives’ instead of *rhodd < *ró-da‑t.

(1) The Ar. thematic endings *‑ō, *‑ēis, *‑ēit would become *‑ū, *‑īs, *‑īt in Kelt.; and these in W. would all drop after affecting the vowel. The 1st and 2nd sg. so formed were lost because they were not dis&shy;tinctive; but prob. the 3rd sg. added to the number of affected stems forming the W. 3rd sg.

The thematic injunctive ending ‑et of unaccented verbs dropped without affecting the vowel; thus Ar. inj. *bher‑e-t ‘bears’ gives Kelt. *kóm beret > W. cymer ‘takes’, and Kelt. *áti beret > W. adfer ‘restores’, etc. It is found not only in compound, but in simple verbs, as cêl ‘conceals’ < *kelet, rhed ‘runs’ < *retet, etc., because