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328 § 194 iii), gorucpwyt . 452 ‘was done’, clywspwyt 178 ‘was heard’, dechreus&shy;pwyt  291, canpwyt § 182 iv (4).

It is added to the present stem in dalpwyt 388 ‘was caught’, kynni&shy;cpwyt do. 398 ‘was offered’, gatpwyt do. 399 ‘was left’, dywetpwyt 52 beside dywespwyt do. 189 ‘was said’.

(1) The pluperfect is formed by adding the personal endings of the imperfect to the aorist stem.

The impers. ‑it and 3rd pl. ‑ynt affect ‑aw- in the penult, thus adewssynt. 180 ‘they had left’, edewssit 288 ‘had been left’. But ‑ass- usually remains un&shy;affected: buassynt. 89 (beside buessynt Ỻ.A. 19) ‘they had been’, anvonas&shy;sit. 306 ‘had been sent’, mynnassit 13 = mynyssit  20 ‘had been desired’, collas&shy;synt  42 = collys&shy;synt  60. D.G. 279 has dygesynt (if weles before it is the correct reading; if welas, it would be dygasynt) for teby&shy;gesynt; the plup. of this verb is often synco&shy;pated, tygaswn etc. D. 134.

Some verbs have a plup. formed by adding oeẟwn, oeẟut etc. to the aor. stem: caws&shy;soeẟwn etc. § 188 i (7), r͑oessoeẟ § 186 iii, as well as athoed etc. § 193 vi (5).

An impers. of the plup. formed by adding ‑adoeẟ, ‑ydoeẟ to the pres. stem occurs in some verbs: ganadoeẟ § 197 ‘had been born’, aẟawadoeẟ. 122 ‘had been promised’, mana&shy;gadoeẟ. ii 103 ‘had been mentioned’, magadoet, defny&shy;tadoet (t ≡ ẟ) do. i 254.

.—i. (1) The subj. stem is formed by a suffix ‑h- which is added to the pres. ind. stem and hardens a media to a tenuis; thus nottwyf. 479: nodaf ib. ‘I specify’. After vowels and sonants the ‑h- dis&shy;appears because it follows the accent § 48 ii, but it is often written in Early Ml. W. as gwnaho. 16, gunelhont. 60.

In Early Mn. W. the tenuis generally remained, and survived later in a few expres&shy;sions as gato in na ato Duw ‘God forbid’: gadaf ‘I permit’. But from the 16th cent, the ind. stem has mostly been used, and the media restored, as in Dyn a godo Duw’n geidwad S.T. . [375] ‘A man whom God raises as a saviour’.

Some verbs have special subj. stems, as el‑: af ‘I go’, etc. § 193 vii; b‑: wyf ‘I am’ § 189; Early Ml. W. duch, gwares § 183 iii (1).

The ending of the 3rd sg. pres. is ‑o: talo 9 (: talaf ‘I pay’), adnappo do. 36 (adwaen § 191), dycco do. 465 (: dygaf ‘I bear’). This is a simpli&shy;fication of ‑oe, which survives in creddoe (dd ≡ tt < dh). 53 (: credaf ‘I believe’), see § 78 i (1). The form ‑w͡y is a variant of ‑oe § 183 ii (1), and the former not un&shy;common&shy;ly occurs in Early Ml. W., as gwelhvy. 74 ‘may see’, achupvy do. 75 (: achubaf ‘I seize’), nottvy do. 76 (: nodaf ‘I specify’), gule&shy;dichuy do. 59 ‘may rule’, canhwi do. 48 ‘may sing’.

(1) The 1st sg. ends in ‑w͡yf: cattwyf 125 for *catw̯w͡yf (: cadwaf ‘I keep’), ymgaffwyf a ib. ‘I may meet’, etc. This is the usual form in Ml. and Mn. W. The occur&shy;rence of ‑of is com&shy;para-