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324 do. 5 ‘they prepare’, vidan (≡ vỿẟan) ib. ‘they will be’; other tenses: deuthan do. 2 ‘they came’, wnaethan do. 4 ‘they did’, darvuan do. 6 ‘they perished’, cuitin (≡ cwyẟyn) do. 95 ‘they fell’. The ‑t is lost in the spoken language.

(1) Beside the impers. in ‑ir, a form in ‑(h)awr, cor&shy;respond&shy;ing to the 3rd sg. in ‑hawt, occurs in Early Ml. W.; as talhaur 31 ‘there will be payment’, ffohawr  16 ‘there will be flight’, dialawr ib. ‘there will be vengeance’, dyrehawr do. 33 ‘will be mustered’, agorawr 456 ‘will be opened’; Dygɏn yw aẟaw a garawr. 1062 ‘it is hard to promise what is loved’; Heul yn Ionawr ny mat welawr, M(a)wrth a Whefrawr ae dialawr 970 ‘Sun in January is not good to be seen, [in] March and February there will be retri&shy;bution for it’.

The ending ‑(h)er has a fut. ind. meaning in Early Ml. W., as moch guelher y niuer 2 ‘soon will the host be seen’; nyth atter ti ẏ mywn  457 ‘thou shalt not be admitted’.

In the early poetry an impersonal in ‑itor, ‑etor, ‑ator, ‑otor occurs: kenhittor kirrn 52 ‘horns will be sounded’, canhator  75 ‘will be sung’, megittor  62 ‘will be brought about’, r͑ewinetor  68 ‘will be ruined’, trae&shy;thattor, molhator do. 23, bri&shy;thottor 33 ‘are varie&shy;gated’. Forms in ‑etawr also occur: dygetawr 10 ‘will be brought’, galwet&shy;tawr do. 41 ‘will be called’; in these the ending has come under the influence of ‑hawr.

Imperf. Ind.—i. The 2nd sg. ending in Ml. W. is ‑ud, as dianghut 1037 ‘thou wouldst escape’. In Early Mn. W. this remains, as wyddud, atebud rhyming with mud in D.G. 460; but ‑ud di became ‑it ti § 111 ii, § 77 ix; hence Late Mn. W. carit. The ‑i- not being original does not affect the ‑a‑; cerit is an arti&shy;ficial form: “secunda sing. fit etiam sine mutatione vocalis, & fortasse rectiùs, Carit” D. 89. In the dialects the vowel of the 2nd pl. is intro&shy;duced, as caret; and this debased form occurs in recent writings.

In the early poetry a 3rd sg. ‑i is found, affecting ‑a- in the stem (as well as the usual ‑ei, not affecting); thus ef gelwi 22 ‘he called’, ef lleẟi ib. ‘he slew’ (beside pan elei ib. ‘when he went’), ny cheri do. 26 ‘he loved not’ (beside ef carei ib. ‘he loved’), eiẟuni do. 16 ‘he desired’, klywi ib. ‘he heard’, a weli 45 ‘whom he saw’.

For the 3rd sg. in ‑i̯ad see § 191 ii (3).

(1) The vowel of the pl. endings is ‑e‑, which regularly becomes ‑y- before ‑nt, § 65 iii (1). The intro&shy;duction of the ‑y- into the 1st and 2nd as in hoffym Gr.H. . 98 (for hoffem) is rare, and doubtless arti&shy;ficial. On the other hand the ‑y- of the 3rd has tended to be replaced by the ‑e- of the 1st and 2nd since the 15th cent., e.g. nis terfynen’ L.G.C. 244 ‘they would not end him’ (usually L.C.C. has ‑yn(t): a berynt 186, a’m ceryn’ 206). In Late Mn. W. the re-formed ‑ent became the usual ending, though ‑ynt remained in use in poetry, e.g. E.F. 36, 287, 316.

In Ml. W. a re-formed 3rd pl. ‑eint, with the vowel of the 3rd