Page:Morris-Jones Welsh Grammar 0323.png

§173 ‘buys’; Ml. W. ottid 89 ‘falls’ (of snow), meccid do. 90 ‘nourishes'; Trenghit golut, ny threingk molut 1082 ‘wealth perishes, fame perishes not’; Tyfid maban, ny thyf i gadachan ‘an infant grows, its swaddling cloth does not grow’; Dirmycid merch … ŵr ni welo G.Gr. 77/194 ‘a woman despises a man whom she does not see’.

‑yd occurs in ë-yt (rh. with byt ‘world’) 1055 ‘goes’. It seems to be confused with ‑id in megyt, meckyt 1029 ‘nourishes’, gwlychyt do. 1032 ‘wets’.

An ending ‑(h)awd of the 3rd sg. occurs in Early Ml. W. with a future meaning: bithaud (≡ byẟhawd) 7 ‘will be’, r͑eddaud (dd ≡ tt for dh) do. 58 ‘will run’, dircha&shy;vaud do. 61 ‘will arise’, parahaud do. 100, parahawt 23 ‘will continue’, gyrhawt  13 ‘will drive’. These forms were survivals, and appear sometimes to be misused as passives under the influence of the ‑t im&shy;personals: cluttaud 10 ‘will be brought’, briuhaud do. 58 ‘will be broken’.

There are traces of a 3rd sg. in ‑yẟ, as ny wneyẟ gwir ny ein ymro 1055 ‘he who does not do justice will not be suffered [lit. contained] in a country’; kyn noc y daw rwng ẏ ẟwylaw y gwesgeryẟ do. 1049 ‘[it is] before it comes between his hands that he scatters it’. This is quite distinct from ‑yd above, and comes, as seen, after relatives.

There is no sufficient ground for the assumption, Arch. Camb. 1873 150, of a 3rd sg. ‑haw; for chaffaw 8 ≡ chaffaf 1st sg., see ii above, gwnaw. 126 is an error for gwnaho 16 l. 2; a wnaỽ  30 l. 18 is prob. a sc. error for wnaaỽt; the other examples are from un&shy;trust&shy;worthy texts.

In the dialects an ending ‑iff, in Gwynedd ‑ith, is in common use. D. 85 regards it as falsely deduced from caiff, “Vt Ceriff pro Car, Periff pro Pair … Quæ nunquam sine indig&shy;natione audio.” (As ‑iff is not a syllable in caiff the suggested deduction is im&shy;probable.)

Beside the usual ‑wn of the 1st pl., we seem to have a 1st pl. pres. ‑en once in the O.W. cet iben ‘we drink together’.

The affection of the stem vowel in the 2nd pl. cerwch shows that ‑wch must be for ‑yw̯ch § 26 vi (5). A trace of this form occurs in chedyw̯ch Ỻ.A. 157 ‘ye keep’ dissim. for *chedw̯yw̯ch; the usual form is cedwch for cedw̯wch: cadwaf ‘I keep’.

(1) Cor&shy;respond&shy;ing to the 3rd sg. in ‑hawt, a 3rd pl. in ‑hawnt occurs rarely in the earlier periods: cuinhaunt gl. defleb(unt), gwnahawnt 13 ‘they will make’.

In O.W. a 3rd pl. pres. ‑int occurs, as limnint gl. tondent, scam&shy;nhegint gl. levant, nertheint gl. armant. Some examples occur in the early poetry: diwris&shy;sint kedwyr … mi nyd aw 108 ‘warriors hasten … I go not’; vyẟ … pan ẟyorf(yẟ)yn. 13 ‘will be when they conquer’, discynnyn ib. ‘they will descend’.

☞ The final ‑t of the 3rd pl. of this and of every other tense is often dropped in poetry, even in Early Ml. W., § 106 iii (2): tirran (≡ tỿrran) 2 ‘they muster’, dygan ib. ‘they bring’, darparan