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296 :Nid wylais gyda’r delyn
 * Am ’y nhad gymain a hynn.—I.D. 151.

‘I have not wept with the harp for my [own] father as much as this.’

(1) The neut. hyn or hynny is substan&shy;tival, not adjec&shy;tival. In Mn. W. it is sometimes used adjec&shy;tival&shy;ly after certain nouns; but as the construc&shy;tion is unusual in Ml. W., it must be a neologism: yn y kyfrwg̃ hynny 11 for yg̃ kyfrwg̃ hynny do. 319, 320, 321. The examples show that it is added to nouns express&shy;ing ideas for which substan&shy;tival hyn stands.

(2) The pl. hyn or hynny is both adjectival and substantival. The former use is extremely common. The latter is compar&shy;ative&shy;ly rare; examples are—

The reason that this use is rare is that hyn or hynny pl. was liable to be confused with hyn or hynny neut. sg.; thus hyn ‘these’ might be taken for hyn ‘this (number)’. To avoid the ambiguity ‘these’ and ‘those’ substan&shy;tival were expressed by y rhai hyn and y rhai hynny, literally ‘these ones’ and ‘those ones’. Though still commonly written in full, these expres&shy;sions were contract&shy;ed, early in the Mn. period, to y rhain G.G1. . i 198 and y rheiny do. do. 194, or y rheini T.A. 24980/85.


 * Angeu Duw fu ’Nghedewain
 * O’i trysor hwy ’n treisiaw ’r rhain.—L.G.C. 175.

‘The death [angel] of God has been at Cedewain, robbing these [i.e. the people there ] of their treasure.’